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UN Security Council approves first Gaza ceasefire resolution after six months of war | International

Following the veto by Russia and China on Friday of a draft ceasefire resolution linked to the release of the hostages which the United States had put forth after a month of negotiations, no one expected the non-permanent countries of the United Nations Security Council to be the ones to finally end the six-month impasse over a resolution for a cessation of hostilities in Gaza. But that same day, the 10 non-permanent member countries of the Council (Algeria, Ecuador, Guyana, Japan, Malta, Mozambique, South Korea, Sierra Leone, Slovenia and Switzerland), which have no veto power, responded with their own proposal: a resolution for a ceasefire during the month of Ramadan. On Monday, that resolution passed unanimously, with the abstention of the U.S.

The resolution, like all those issued by the U.N. body responsible for world peace and security, is binding, which theoretically obliges the parties — Israel and Hamas — to abide by it. Its passage is a small milestone: countless resolutions failed over the course of the last six months due to the veto of three of the Council’s five permanent members. The United States had previously vetoed three attempts, arguing, as Israel does, that a ceasefire would allow Hamas to regroup and hinder Egyptian- and Qatari-led negotiations. Russia and China, for their part, vetoed the only ceasefire proposal submitted by the U.S. to the Council last Friday, just as they had vetoed another one in October that was less far-reaching and did not even consider the possibility of a cessation of hostilities.

The approved resolution calls for “an immediate ceasefire for the month of Ramadan respected by all parties leading to a permanent sustainable ceasefire,” “the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages, as well as ensuring humanitarian access to address their medical and other humanitarian needs” and “that the parties comply with their obligations under international law in relation to all persons they detain.”

The text also emphasizes “the urgent need to expand the flow of humanitarian assistance to and reinforce the protection of civilians in the entire Gaza Strip” and reiterates the Council’s demand for the lifting of all barriers to the provision of humanitarian assistance at scale. The resolution comes at a time when the Palestinian enclave is on the brink of famine due to the Israeli blockade of humanitarian aid convoys. Israel is also preparing to invade Rafah, in southern Gaza on the border with Egypt, where more than half of the Strip’s total population (some 2.3 million) is concentrated after fleeing Israeli bombardments everywhere else in the territory. The U.S. categorically rejects a ground offensive in Rafah, but Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has reiterated that he plans to go ahead with it.

The U.S. abstention this Monday signals President Joe Biden’s administration change in attitude towards the Israeli offensive in Gaza, with the White House and Democratic lawmakers growing critical of Netanyahu’s government. Two weeks ago, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, who is Jewish, called for new elections in Israel, going so far as to say that the Israeli prime minister has “lost his way.” More recently, New York Democratic Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez called Israel’s military campaign in Gaza a genocide, something she had avoided doing. The conflict between Israel and Hamas has become yet another election issue in the U.S. with only seven months to go before the presidential election. President Biden has received serious warnings from young voters and Arab communities in the U.S. who are critical of his support for Israel.

Netanyahu reacts

Upon the resolution’s passage, Netanyahu made good on his threat — delivered ahead of the vote — and cancelled a high-level trip to Washington by a delegation that was going to listen to the Biden administration’s alternatives to an all-out invasion of Rafah. Netanyahu called the U.S. abstention on Monday a “clear retreat” from its previous position.

After the Hamas attack on Israel on October 7, U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin and his Israeli counterpart Yoav Gallant spoke on the phone almost daily for weeks. Austin met with Gallant in Tel Aviv the week after the attack with a strong message of support. He visited Israel again in December, stressing at that point the need to reduce the intensity of the offensive, protect the civilian population and facilitate access to humanitarian aid. Austin had been expecting to receive Gallant at the Pentagon on Tuesday in an almost desperate attempt to dissuade Israel from carrying out a ground offensive in the Rafah area. But on Monday Israel announced that the high-level trip was being cancelled to protest Monday’s U.N. Security Council decision calling for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza.

On Sunday, Gallant had declared that he would focus his visit, among other things, on “the ability to obtain systems and ammunition” and on “the preservation of the qualitative military advantage,” the expression for Washington’s decades-long commitment to always provide Israel with the best weapons and technology in the Middle East. That same day, Vice President Kamala Harris was asked in an interview on ABC if she was ruling out that an invasion of Rafah by Israel would trigger consequences from the United States, to which she replied, “I am ruling out nothing.”

The cancellation of the visit by Gallant and other senior Israeli officials comes at the moment of greatest distance between both nations’ leaders. Besides his personal conviction that the offensive is not a good idea, President Biden is aware of the cost in popularity and votes entailed by his support for Israel in the first stages of the war — a cost that is rising as the situation of Gaza’s civilian population becomes increasingly critical. A Gallup poll published last week showed that only 27% of Americans approve of the way Biden is handling the situation in the Middle East.

Washington does not want another operation in Rafah like the ones that took place in Gaza City and Khan Younis. There are an estimated 1.4 million Palestinians in Rafa, including many who fled there from other parts of the Strip following Israel’s instructions. The Netanyahu government has suggested the idea of creating “humanitarian islands” where the population can go, something that seems unfeasible to Washington. “Let me tell you something: I have studied the maps. There’s nowhere for those folks to go,” Harris said in the interview, in which she also said that “we have been clear in multiple conversations and in every way that any major military operation in Rafah would be a huge mistake.”

Viable plan for Rafah

The Biden administration believes that Israel has not presented a viable plan for how or where to move civilians safely, how to feed and house them, and ensure access to basic things like sanitation, National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan explained last week at a press conference.

Washington assures that the key objectives that Israel wants to achieve in Rafah can be reached by other means. This is the reason why Biden had asked Netanyahu to send a high-level delegation to Washington made up of military, intelligence services and humanitarian personnel. The idea was not only for them to listen to U.S. concerns about Israel’s plans in the southern Strip, but also to present an alternative approach that targets key Hamas elements in Rafah and secures the Egyptian-Egyptian border and Gaza without a major ground invasion.

The Israeli Defense Minister wants to ensure that American weapons will continue to flow despite the differences of opinion. Last December, in a private meeting with local representatives that was reported on by the newspaper Israel Hayom, Netanyahu said: “We need three things from the United States: ammunition, ammunition and ammunition.”

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Palestine: The largest mobilization since the beginning of the Gaza war shakes up US universities | U.S.

It is the Occupy Wall Street — the 2011 protest movement that protested against capitalism in its very cradle — with keffiyehs. University campuses in the United States are experiencing the largest mobilization since the war broke out in Gaza in October. Protest camps have been set up from east to west of the country, with Columbia University in New York as the epicenter. The mobilization represents a dramatic new stage of the demonstrations that have been taking place on campus for months. The pro-Palestinian camps have helped revive debate on antisemitism in U.S. campuses, which at the end of last year led to the resignations of the presidents of Harvard University and Pennsylvania University. Jewish students and teachers say they feel threatened and warn of the risk of an open confrontation.

Protest camps on several campuses in the country have been evicted by the police, with the latest standoff taking place Monday night at the public New York University (NYU), where dozens were arrested. University presidents have had to adopt exceptional measures, such as deploying police and numerous security guards at the entrances, which have been closed off with fences; shutting the facilities to strangers — only students can enter, after scanning their ID — and adopting remote classes until the end of the semester to reduce the number of students on campus. This is what was decided by Columbia, where on Tuesday hundreds of students remained camped in dozens of tents clustered in a circle on one of the center’s esplanades.

Police arrest a protester on the New York University (NYU) campus on April 22.
Police arrest a protester on the New York University (NYU) campus on April 22.Fatih Aktas (Getty Images)

Most of the protests wear face masks and Palestinian keffiyehs, they do yoga, play music, play cards and, for the most part, finish their class work: the last school day is April 29. They have taken over from a first camp that was broken up by the police last week, with a hundred arrests. The camp is as well organized as that of the 2011 anti-austerity protests in Spain and Greece: there are food services, a medical care tent; generators; a program of activities, including board games and yoga, and a large sign that establishes the rules, the first of which is to commit to continuing camping and not giving up even a millimeter of space “in solidarity with the Palestinian people.” On Monday night, the Jewish students in the protest camp celebrated the traditional seder, the dinner that marks the beginning of the Jewish Passover.

With the support of numerous teachers, the protesters are no longer calling only for a ceasefire in Gaza (a call they have been making since the war began), but are now also calling for students arrested last week to be readmitted after an unknown number were expelled from campus, and for the university to divest from companies linked to Israel. Jewish students, for their part, claim that criticism of Israel for its offensive against Gaza has led to blatant antisemitism and makes them feel unsafe. There is a clear divide between the two sides, while important university donors, mostly Jewish, have announced that they plan to suspend funding from departments and centers until corrective measures are taken. This was a move made by Robert Kraft, the owner of the New England Patriots football team and former Columbia student, Robert Kraft, who maintains a center for Jewish students at that university.

The sudden intensity of the pro-Palestinian protests has not taken university presidents by surprise: they are a testament to the dozens of marches and demonstrations that cross New York almost daily, with the support of a large number of progressive Jews. But, unlike the last three months of 2023, this time the reaction from the university authorities has been firm: police have been allowed to take action. The students arrested in Columbia last week were taken away by officers with their hands in zip ties.

The growing mobilization against the Gaza war and calls for a ceasefire has put extra pressure on U.S. President Joe Biden, who has been modulating his initial strong support for Israel by calling on the Israeli government of Benjamin Netanyahu to alleviate humanitarian suffering in Gaza. This shift was particularly evident after Biden received tens of thousands of protest votes from progressive Democratic voters of Arab origin in the primaries.

A pro-Palestine camp on the campus of Columbia University, April 22.
A pro-Palestine camp on the campus of Columbia University, April 22.Stefan Jeremiah (AP)

The precarious balance between freedom of expression and security and inclusivity on campuses has been near-destroyed. From coast to coast in the United States, university presidents have spent the last six months struggling to draw a clear line, but their failure to act decisively — or their timid stance — has cost them the support of parents, politicians, illustrious students and, ultimately, students on both sides: either for tolerating the protests, as Columbia initially did, or for calling the police to disperse the first encampment last week. Members of Congress went to the campus on Monday to see whether order was being maintained. The debate on antisemitism on campuses has become the new front of the cultural and political wars in the United States.

The initiative in Columbia was quick to catch on, sparking other protest camps in Michigan, Berkeley, Minnesota, NYU and MIT, whose university president was also seriously questioned in a Congressional hearing that accused the prestigious Ivy League universities for not condemning antisemitism strongly enough. In Yale, police detained 50 protesters on Monday, accusing them of breaking and entering. After the police action, the protest spread even further and the students ended up blocking an intersection. At NYU, there were also several arrests, while the president’s office issued a statement claiming that the rally in front of the Faculty of Business, in the heart of the city, included people not affiliated with the university. “We also learned that there were intimidating chants and several antisemitic incidents reported,” said the statement.

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Aviation and Telecom Industries Reach Compromise on 5G Deployment

The Voice Of EU | In a significant development, AT&T and Verizon, the two largest mobile network operators in the United States, have agreed to delay the deployment of 5G services following requests from the aviation industry and the Biden administration. This decision marks a crucial compromise in the long-standing dispute between the two industries, which had raised concerns over the potential interference of 5G with flight signals.
The aviation industry, led by United Airlines CEO Scott Kirby, had been vocal about the risks of 5G deployment, citing concerns over the safety of flight operations. Kirby had urged AT&T and Verizon to delay their plans, warning that proceeding with the deployment would be a “catastrophic failure of government.” The US Senate Commerce Committee hearing on the issue further highlighted the need for a solution.
In response, US Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg and Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) head Steve Dickson sent a letter to the mobile networks, requesting a two-week delay to reassess the potential risks. Initially, AT&T and Verizon were hesitant, citing the aviation industry’s two-year preparation window. However, they eventually agreed to the short delay, pushing the deployment to January 19.
The crux of the issue lies in the potential interference between 5G signals and flight equipment, particularly radar altimeters. The C-Band spectrum used by 5G networks is close to the frequencies employed by these critical safety devices. The FAA requires accurate and reliable radar altimeters to ensure safe flight operations.

Airlines in the US have been at loggerheads with mobile networks over the deployment of 5G and its potential impact on flight safety.

Despite the concerns, both the FAA and the telecoms industry agree that 5G mobile networks and airline travel can coexist safely. In fact, they already do in nearly 40 countries where US airlines operate regularly. The key lies in reducing power levels around airports and fostering cross-industry collaboration prior to deployment.
The FAA has been working to find a solution in the United States, and the additional two-week delay will allow for further assessment and preparation. AT&T and Verizon have also agreed to not operate 5G base stations along runways for six months, similar to restrictions imposed in France.
President Joe Biden hailed the decision to delay as “a significant step in the right direction.” The European Union Aviation Safety Agency and South Korea have also reported no unsafe interference with radio waves since the deployment of 5G in their regions.
As the aviation and telecom industries continue to work together, it is clear that safe coexistence is possible. The delay in 5G deployment is a crucial step towards finding a solution that prioritizes both safety and innovation. With ongoing collaboration and technical assessments, the United States can join the growing list of countries where 5G and airlines coexist without issue.

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From Retail To Transport: How Artificial Intelligence (AI) Is Changing Every Corner Of The Economy

How A.I. Is Changing The Economy

The high profile race to enhance their search products has underscored the importance of artificial intelligence to Google and Microsoft – and the rest of the economy, too. Two of the world’s largest tech companies announced plans for AI-enhanced search this month, ratcheting up a tussle for supremacy in the artificial intelligence space. However, the debut of Google’s new chatbot, Bard, was scuppered when an error appeared, knocking $163bn (£137bn) off the parent company Alphabet’s share price. The stock’s plunge showed how crucial investors think AI could be to Google’s future.

However, the increasing prominence of AI has implications for every corner of the economy. From retail to transport, here’s how AI promises to usher in a wave of change across industries.


Monitoring weather patterns, managing pests and disease, working out the need for extra irrigation, or even which crops to grow where: many farmers believe agriculture is fertile ground for artificial intelligence.

Many food producers are using AI to collect and analyse data in their efforts to improve productivity and profitability.

AI’s capacity for combining and analysing large datasets is already supplying farmers with real-time information on how to improve the health of their crops and increase yields. Drones and in-ground sensors can play a role in observing growing crops and soil conditions across hundreds of acres of land, including checking whether they need more water, fertiliser or herbicide and whether they are being affected by disease or destroyed by animals.

Ali Capper, who grows apples and hops at her family farm on the border of Herefordshire and Worcestershire, has invested in new technology, including automated orchard sprayers, to use alongside the digital soil mapping she has employed since 2017.

Ali Capper inspects the blossom on her apple trees at Stocks Farm in Suckley, Worcestershire
Ali Capper sees AI advantages for the environment. Photograph: Kirsty Wigglesworth/AP

“Many agri-tech innovations will help us to be kinder to the farmed environment as well as more efficient and profitable,” Capper said.

In the face of labour shortages, especially acute since Brexit, farmers have long hoped that advances in robotics – “agribots” – will help to make sure crops get picked on time. A lack of workers led to £60m of food wasted in 2022 alone, according to the National Farmers’ Union.

While four-armed robots, designed for the delicate work of picking soft fruits, are being developed, robots with the dexterity of the human hand, capable of picking at speed without damaging fruit such as raspberries, may be a decade away from widespread use. Nonetheless, automation has already changed some of the most laborious jobs in farming, from drilling seeds to spraying and watering crops.

Media companies have embraced machine learning to boost subscriptions and advertising and to help make decisions about what stories to promote.

News organisations are hiring data scientists on six-figure salaries to pull together data to track customers and guide them towards particular products, while also providing workers with tools to take the grunt work out of finding and writing stories.

Lisa Gibbs, the director of news partnerships at the Associated Press, said in a London School of Economics study that her organisation could “find news faster and break news faster” with the aid of AI.

Media organisations are using data analysts to create targeted content that generates higher subscriptions and advertising revenues.


There are possible AI applications in every corner of the energy industry: from predicting and identifying faults at power plants to using weather forecasts to plan offshore windfarm projects.

With tight margins in a sector where almost 30 companies have gone bust during the energy crisis, retail energy suppliers are expected to increase the use of AI to cut down call times. Chatbots are used to ask basic questions before customers speak to a human adviser.

Ultimately, suppliers envisage AI will play a central role in future “smart grids”, allowing supply and demand to be more closely aligned, with a new generation of devices from smart meters and electric vehicles to solar panels and heat pumps able to improve efficiency. Jobs for engineers, meter readers and supply analysts are most under threat.

AI is also valuable to track carbon emissions. Boston Consulting Group has estimated that applying AI to multinational companies’ sustainability plans could be worth $1.3tn to $2.6tn through additional revenues and cost savings by 2030. Late last year, the government launched a £1.5m programme to study the use of AI to reduce the UK’s carbon emissions.


Manufacturing veterans know all too well how automation can sweep through an industry. In 2019, the UK’s Office for National Statistics said almost two-thirds of metalworking machine operatives were at risk.

An intelligent production base at Great Wall Motors in south-west China.
An intelligent production base at Great Wall Motors in south-west China. Photograph: Xinhua/Rex/Shutterstock

Part of the automation drive is for efficiency. Machine learning algorithms are already being deployed on the burgeoning piles of data produced within big factories for “predictive maintenance” – replacing parts before they fail and potentially requiring fewer technicians.

But the rapid rise of generative artificial intelligence suggests it will not only be people on factory lines who will be affected. Generative AI is already being used to design products much more quickly, test them virtually as a “digital twin”, and manufacture them much more quickly. Combined with innovations such as 3D printing, this could lower development costs dramatically and would require fewer engineers in aerospace, automotive and consumer electronics.

One logical end is something like the Star Trek replicator, a bot that designs and makes whatever its user desires from a text prompt – without human involvement.


Running the country means the government collects vast amounts of personal and business data, all of which could be plugged into artificial intelligence and machine learning systems to improve the efficiency of policymaking and delivery of services. Everything from bin collections, call centres and analysis of data to prioritise spending could be targeted for improvement. However, it is not without challenges and controversy – not least for how algorithms are held to account.

The former head of the civil service, Mark Sedwill, has said greater use of AI and automation will probably lead to a reduction in headcount.

Some councils are building computer models using personal data to help predict child abuse and intervene before it can happen, while Blackpool council is using AI-powered satellite images to help fix potholes.

There is concern in government that AI systems can build in human biases, risking the perpetuation of stereotypes and discrimination. Meanwhile, relying on computer models has stoked fear in the past that some public priorities are overlooked, including investment in the north of England and green projects.

More use of AI could improve efficiency but authorities will need to carefully check its effects. As the postwar US president Harry Truman said: “When you have an efficient government, you have a dictatorship.”


Transport workers have stubbornly held on to their jobs since the first driverless trains were tested on the tube – a development that was met with “Robots take over” headlines six decades ago. However, they are still regarded as most vulnerable in the long term, according to a 2021 report by PwC for the business department forecasting that proportionately the biggest job losses in the next 20 years would come in the transport sector.

Nonetheless, drivers are far from expendable, and are demanding high salaries whether operating HGVs, buses or trains – even as the first autonomous buses are trialled in Scotland and Milton Keynes. Recent dreams of imminent robotaxis have yet to become widespread reality, and Uber says its London drivers earn £34 an hour. Pilotless planes are technically possible, although few might fancy them after Boeing’s software-led 737 Max disasters.

A National Highways van on a motorway.
A National Highways van films passing vehicles to catch those holding a mobile phone or not wearing a seatbelt. The footage is analysed using AI. Photograph: National Highways/PA

Transport for London uses AI to help traffic flow and forecast disruption, while train operators have used simulators or digital twins to check train paths, platforms and timetables. The Rail Safety and Standards Board is working with academics to use machine learning from high-resolution video to tackle leaves on the line. Similar AI and video projects in Australia could teach driverless trains to recognise a green light – or whether the movement on a remote track is an encroaching human or a nearby kangaroo.

But the next iterations of AI could be profoundly political, as the current rail dispute in Great Britain underlines. Network Rail is hoping to shed more than 1,000 jobs, arguing that automation could create a more efficient and safe inspection regime by using data to predict faults.

Financial services

The financial services sector is at greater risk of job losses from AI than other sectors, according to government forecasts, but experts say this is partly a matter of catch-up.

“Other industries have already made these cuts,” said Sarah Kocianski, an independent fintech consultant.

For example, banks and wealth managers will need fewer staff to onboard new clients as they automate more of their customer background checks and will rely more heavily on AI to detect and flag potential fraud and money-laundering risks.

They will also be able to feed new guidelines from regulators into those machine learning programmes, to flag any potential breaches or shortfalls in the company’s systems, rather than relying on humans to conduct an initial review.

But these systems will still require human oversight, not only to build and programme the technology but also to conduct additional checks and sort out more complex problems.

“A critical risk is that firms succumb to the temptation to trust AI to make smarter lending or insurance decisions without understanding the reasoning process, and over-rely on the AI system without properly stress-testing its fitness for purpose,” said Karishma Brahmbhatt, a data and technology lawyer at Allen & Overy.

Alongside booming demand for tech staff to build and monitor AI programmes, firms will be competing for higher-skilled staff who can do forensic work if they suspect fraud or error, or provide bespoke support to customers. “You need more tailored people but you need fewer people,” Kocianski said.


Almost a third of retail jobs could be displaced by technology by 2030 compared with 2017 levels, as automated tills, warehouse robotics and AI-based planning tools affect the UK’s biggest employer.

A robot and delivery drone working in an automatic warehouse.
A robot and delivery drone working in an automated warehouse. Photograph: Scharfsinn/Alamy

The most obvious change to any shopper is the rise in the use of self-checkouts and self-scanning systems in supermarkets in the last five years. Change was supercharged by the pandemic when labour became more expensive and difficult to find while shoppers became wary of interactions with staff.

Analysts at the advisory firm McKinsey have predicted that the number of cashiers could almost halve between 2017 and 2030 as these technologies are rolled out. Bryan Roberts at the industry body IGD said the majority of sales in most UK supermarkets are now rung up on self-scanning or automated tills.

The rise of labour costs has also led non-food retailers to give the technology a go. The Japanese-owned clothing chain Uniqlo introduced a system linked to radio frequency identification tags a few years ago.

The next step is the checkout-free store, led by Amazon Fresh, where cameras and shelf sensors mean that shoppers’ purchases are automatically registered on an app on their phone enabling them to just walk out and pay later.

Technology doesn’t stop at the till. Retailers are experimenting with robotic or AI-powered systems to spot gaps on shelves – with Marks & Spencer trialling a system that uses fixed cameras. Others have experimented with Dalek-type machines that cruise up and down the aisles.

Electronic labels on shelves, so prices can be changed automatically from head office, alongside AI-led technology to guide buying decisions and more robotics to pick and pack products in warehouses will also affect thousands of jobs.

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