The 2021 discovery of the Hand of Irulegi 10 km from Pamplona has rekindled a debate on the origins of the Basque people and their language. A bronze artifact dating back 2,100 years that supposedly includes the first words ever to be written in Basque has thrown up questions such as whether or not the Basque culture derives from populations of the ancient Aquitaine – north of the Pyrenees, in modern-day France – or from those settled in what is now the Spanish region of Navarre.
Experts also disagree on whether the Hand of Irulegi is actually inscribed with the first words written in Basque or if the words are in fact written in Celtiberian language or even in Latin but engraved in a combination of letters and symbols of an indigenous language. The problem is further complicated by the political and cultural implications, since linguists place the original use of Basque in the Spanish regions of Navarre, La Rioja and Aragón, rather than in the present-day Basque Country, where Basque allegedly was not spoken, except in the area of ancient Oyaso, which is now the city of Irun, on the border with France.
It is a complex issue which Juanjo Sayas, a professor of ancient history at the long-distance-learning university UNED, believes contributes to the “Basque controversy.” Meanwhile, Javier Andreu, a professor of ancient history and director of the Archaeology Diploma course at Navarre University, criticizes the “political use” of the finding, comparing it to an ancient bronze Roman-era sculpture known as Togado de Pompelo which was returned to Spain last June. “The best bronze of the Iberian Peninsula and one of the best in the West arrived [from the United States] at the Museum of Navarre, and the leader of the regional government was not even there to receive it,” he points out. “Now, a hand measuring 14 by 12 centimeters shows up and there has been no end of ceremony, with the Navarrese premier taking part.”
The authenticity of the finding is not in question. The Aranzadi Science Society has documented the unearthing process in detail, says Alicia María Canto, a professor and epigrapher at the Autonomous University of Madrid, who was the first to point out “oddities and impossibilities in the revolutionary graffiti” of Iruña-Veleia in 2006, a widely reported case of Basque epigraphic forgery that ended in court.
With the unearthing of the Hand of Irulegi last year, old arguments have surfaced. Canto believes that the discovery just 10 kilometers from the old Roman city of Pompaelo (modern-day Pamplona) will make it hard to reject the idea that in the distant past – except in the coastal area of Irun – the present-day Basque Country was inhabited by Indo-Europeans rather than the pre-Roman Vascones, while also making it hard for anyone in Navarre to deny that Navarre was the true cradle of the Vascones. Josetxo Beriain, a professor of sociology and social work at the Public University of Navarre, believes that the relevance of the hand is that it generates “a new beginning, since all communities try to establish a departure point from which their identity is scattered.”
Beriain believes that the finding “can represent a certain conquest of the past as a way to conquer the future, given that we were already there when the Romans arrived.” What still cannot be determined is whether the Vascon culture accepted Roman culture or imposed its own. According to Beriain, it is likely that today’s nationalist sectors use the find to claim that the Basque culture was not subjugated, although “that is an ideological construction rather than a historical construction.”
Experts stress that the four lines of the inscription are important because they may be an indication that Pamplona was the cradle of the Basque people
Did the Basque people therefore move from Navarre to the Basque Country in the ancient past? Sayas believes that the scarcity of information on the more northern reaches of these communities has to be taken into account. But everything points to the fact that Rome used geographical criteria to divide the ethnic groups. This meant they took advantage of “the Pyrenean massif to establish the division between Gaul and Hispania,” although before the Romans there was a cultural homogeneity between the peoples on both sides of the Pyrenees. The division was made on a map and did not always take into account ethnic groups, settlements or cultures; only administrative interests. In this sense, it cannot be ruled out that different ethnic and linguistic groups converged on Basque territory. In fact, in different texts, there is mention of Celtiberians who in the 2nd century BC proclaimed themselves to be descendants of the Celtiberian world, but there is no one who proclaimed themselves to be a Vascon from the 1st century BC until the end of Romanization, according to Sayas. “There are, however, testimonies of those who considered themselves Pompelonians, Carenses and Andelonians,” he says.
Meanwhile, Andreu flags up the fact that Viana, a site in Navarre where numerous texts have been discovered in Celtiberian but none in Basque, is barely 90 kilometers from Irulegi. The coins found on Basque territory from that period are also inscribed in Celtiberian. This is further proof that “in Navarre, in ancient times, Basque, Iberian and Celtiberian were spoken. Most likely,” Andreu adds, “this area was a melting pot of cultures and languages long before the Romans arrived.”
“Most likely, this area was a melting pot of cultures and languages long before the Romans arrived,” says professor Javier Andreu
As for the language in which the Hand of Irulegi is written, both Joaquín Gorrochategi, a professor of Indo-European linguistics and, Javier Velaza, professor of Latin philology, have concluded that the text is written in archaic Basque. In fact, in their opinion, the first word to be deciphered is sorioneko, linking to the current term zorioneko, which can be translated as good fortune, and which appears to have been written in an adaptation of the Iberian characters, but with some Basque characters to reflect sounds typical of the language.
There are other interpretations, such as the one given by the archaeologist Guillermo López, from the Archaeological Studio consultancy, who maintains that these symbols are similar to those found on hundreds of Celtiberian pots unearthed in Navarre, La Rioja and Aragón. Moreover, he suggests that this inscription contains Latinized features, a consequence of the Romanization of the area, and that the artefact was used as a token of friendship rather than being a decorative object. That is to say, he believes there were two hands, the right one, found in Irulegi, and another left one still to be unearthed in the town in which a supposed treaty was signed.
Andreu rejects this hypothesis but does not rule out that sorioneku could be a word derived from Latin because “in ancient languages these concomitances exist.” He also finds similarities between the Hand of Irulegi and the so-called Stela of La Vispesa, a symbol of protection typical of the Iberian culture. Alicia Canto also suggests there may be a link to the Stela of La Vispesa, though she does say the hand could be simply and literally be “a severed limb, a classic amputation of Iberians and Lusitanians against enemies, which could have been exhibited as a trophy at the entrance of houses or shrines.”
The Danish shipping giant Maersk held meetings with Denmark’s tax and maritime authorities to advise them on how best to shield the shipping industry from the OECD’s global minimum tax deal, according to a Danish media report.
Published: 8 February 2023 16:21 CET
The revelations, reported by broadcaster DR, come as the company on Wednesday reported record profits of 203 billion kroner, on which it paid just 3 percent in tax.
They are particularly damaging to the company because of the claim last year from Maersk’s then CEO Søren Skou that his company was open to paying more tax, so long as it was through a global agreement via the OECD, precisely the sort of agreement the company was behind the scenes trying to exclude itself from.
“It seems as if Maersk is playing a double game,” Lars Koch from the poverty charity Oxfam, told DR after he was presented with the evidence.
“We can see from the access to documents the number of meetings and close and confidential dialogue”, he added. “Here they agree and inform each other about what Denmark should argue in these international negotiations on a tax agreement and they work actively to safeguard Maersk’s interests by exempting the shipping companies.”
The broadcaster report was based on internal documents obtained from the Ministry of Taxation and the Danish Maritime Authority.
The documents show that in June 2020, representatives of the company held a meeting with the Ministry of Taxation in which they they discussed strategies on excluding shipping from the OECD agreement on minimum tax.
Soon afterwards, the industry lobby group Danish Shipping (Danske Rederier), where Maersk plays a leading role, wrote to the Ministry of Taxation and the Danish Maritime Authority warning that the OECD proposal “creates considerable uncertainty in our hinterland”.
Then in June 2021, a representative from the Danish Maritime Authority thanked Danish Shipping for supplying it with arguments it could use to push for shipping to be excluded, saying, “it was extremely well done. A thousand thanks for your efforts.”
Finally, when shipping was exempted from the OECD agreement in July 2021, a representative from Danish Shipping thanked the Danish Maritime Authority for “the orientation and for being aware of the special challenges of shipping”.
Mette Mellemgaard Jakobsen, Maersk’s head of tax, admitted that her company had tried to influence the process.
“We were specifically concerned about how these rules would be implemented, and we had a concrete concern that it would create an increased distortion of competition,” she told DR.
“For us, it is absolutely crucial that we are not put at a disadvantage compared to other shipping companies around the world. That is why global agreements are the most important thing for us.”
Rasmus Corlin Christensen, a researcher in international tax at Copenhagen Business School, said that Maersk’s double game was quite “striking”.
“On the one hand, you support and work for global solutions, the shipping industry included. But at the same time you can see that, at least when it comes to the global reforms that have been discussed in recent years, they did not want the shipping industry to be covered.”
Contemporary TV fiction does not shy away from polarizing topics. From the capitalist nightmare of Severance (2022) to the mental health issues of Euphoria(2019,) shows increasingly incorporate social debates into their plot lines in response to a growing interest. Gone are the years of the 1990s escapism of Friends and The Office’s controversial canned laughter. Now, for a show to succeed, it must actively participate in the cultural conversation.
This trend is particularly reflected in awards like the Golden Globes, which recently recognized socially engaged productions such as Abbott Elementary or The Bear. Despite this progress, most of these shows haven’t yet broken one of the last taboos in fiction: the lack of body diversity and representation of fat characters.
Anti-fatness is an accepted, widespread discrimination – tiny airplane seats, body-related comments – and fat people remain culturally marginalized. Society “doesn’t like talking to fat people, looking at fat people, believing fat people [and] listening to fat people,” says Lyla Byers, a researcher at Virginia Tech. “We would really prefer for fat people not to exist in public.”
As a result, obese people can suffer serious health consequences. “When I was a child, I suffered medical violence; I was very thin but a pediatrician put me on 18,000 diets,” says Spanish actress Laura Galán Montijano, who starred in the award-winning Piggy (2022). “She was obsessed with my weight, she used to weigh me every week.”
Even some medical terms like “obesity” or “overweight” are problematic, based on a non-inclusive metric: the body mass index (BMI). “BMI was never meant to be used to measure individual health,“ says Byers. “It’s way too simple a measurement for way too complex an issue,” adds Jennifer Graves, author of Framing Fat, a book that challenges the dominant weight discourses. “There are still significant civil rights issues that fat people face in terms of lack of protection against discrimination in the medical system.”
Laziness, stupidity, gluttony or having low sexual capital are some of the concepts associated with fat people, according to Jeanine Gailey, a sociology professor at Texas Christian University. “The cultural messaging is that fat is the worst thing one can be,” Gailey says. These stigmas are internalized by producers, who fail to include diverse perspectives. “When [women] are not desirable according to beauty standards, we’re not featured on screen,” says Montijano.
And, when fiction does introduce fat characters, they are often reduced to old-school stereotypes, from the bullied girl of Debby Ryan’s Insatiable (2018) to the idiotic, slothful Homer Simpson. “Many people in society watch these shows or these movies, internalize these portrayals and believe these things about fat people,” says Ariane Prohaska, a researcher at the University of Alabama. “It leads us to treat fat people differently and to treat ourselves differently, in a way that makes us believe that we have to constantly be improving our bodies.”
Reducing obese people to caricatures especially affects traditionally marginalized minority groups, such as women, people of color and the LGBTQI+ community. “Body size intersects with other dimensions of oppression,” says Prohaska. “So, women of color, particularly Black women, face a lot of stigma.” Big Shirley, a recurring character on the television show Martin, is a classic example of a problematic portrayal of fat Black women on TV, as is America Ferrera’s character on Ugly Betty.
Fat white women have managed to diversify their roles in American fiction thanks to the work of actresses like Melissa McCarthy or Lena Dunham. But “Hollywood Fatness” is not representative of the US a whole. Chrissy Metz, for example, said in 2016 that as part of her This is Us contract, where she played a woman struggling with eating habits, she had to lose weight. Later, however, she retracted her comments. “Gatekeepers, the people who are behind the scenes deciding what stories Americans are going to buy, tend to be white, wealthy and male,” says Virgie Tovar, a writer and expert on body discrimination. “This creates a cycle of the same kinds of stories being told over and over again.”
When it comes to queer men, fiction narrowly focuses on the body cult that characterizes part of the community through masculine, beefy characters such as those in Élite (2018,) Smiley (2022) or in the last season of American Horror Story. “It really is paradoxical that the diversity the LGBTQI+ community demands is not practiced within it,” says Roberto Enríquez, critic and creator of Queer You Are (2021.)
In the show, Enríquez self-fictionalizes his own youth through Gabriel Sánchez and Carlos González, who embody the double discrimination the director has suffered because of his sexual orientation and his body. “I was clear that, if I was going to do the show, I was going to do it my own way,” says Enríquez. “They had to be fat characters because that was the story I was telling, how they face life with those bodies, how they face rejection and desire.” In an interview for ICON, Sánchez spoke of the danger of stereotyping fat people. “If you’re fat, they make you do fat things. ‘I fall down and break the chair because I’m fat; I’m fat and I eat four pastries in 10 minutes.’ The fat guy always has scenes where he is binge-eating.”
If LGBTQI+ stories are still disruptive, triggering far-right censure, those that incorporate artists with non-normative bodies, away from the imposed canon and with plots beyond those of physical obsession, have an even greater subversive impact. “Queer bodies and fat bodies are seen as excessive, so when you have queer fat bodies, they are doubly destabilizing,” says Jason Whitesel, a sociologist at Illinois State University and author of Fat Gay Men, which examines fat stigma within gay male communities. “Most of our shows are put together by people who think the queer community is best represented by thin or muscular people.”
Even though fat suits are still employed by the entertainment industry, fiction has progressed from the rather cringeworthy “Fat Monica” episode of Friends. In The Girls at the Back (2022,) Mariona Terés plays Leo, a millennial woman who plans a trip with her friends after one is diagnosed with cancer. Terés, with a leading, cliché-free role, believes that many things have changed in recent years, albeit slowly. “We are seeing different bodies on screen, but we have to keep changing the clichés,” she says. “The next step is a fat woman playing a sexy character, in a romantic relationship with someone, and normalizing that her body is beautiful, that she can eat whatever she wants and fuck whoever she wants.”
Besides expanding the narrative complexity of fat characters, fiction must increase their range of roles away from one-dimensional supporting characters haunted by their physical appearance.
“What I hope is that diversity is broadened in all senses,” says Carlota Pereda, director of Piggy. Without financial support from production companies, projects with leading fat characters will struggle to be developed. “When you’re looking for funding, some people won’t support you because they consider it a personal project just because you’ve put a non-normative character in the leading role.”
Although fiction lags behind a society that is largely critical of negative representations of fat characters in productions like The Whale, the industry will eventually accept that non-Hollywood bodies exist and deserve to be represented, with complex storylines and free from humiliating fat suits. “I do think we’re going to see more and more diverse people on screen,” says Terés. “It’s a slow road, but we’ll get to the other side.”
The brinksmanship has won plaudits from some who argue that by holding out, the German leader managed to get the United States to reverse its stance and send Abrams tanks — bringing about a bigger win for Ukraine.
But other analysts warn the weeks of delay may have left a deeper mark on Scholz’s international reputation, while also hurting Kyiv’s chances against Russian troops on the battlefield.
“The SPD chancellor has achieved one of his biggest aims: delivering battle tanks only in step with the Americans,” wrote Die Zeit weekly.
Rather, he repeatedly underlined that it was and is “right that we did not let ourselves be pushed into this but that we rely on and also continue on close cooperation”.
It was perhaps not a coincidence that Scholz’s announcement came after public opinion shifted slightl in favour of sending tanks, with 46 percent for and 41 percent against on January 19.
Directly addressing fears of Germans, who have favoured treading lightly around conflict zones since World War II, Scholz pointedly said he would ensure that any support for Ukraine would be provided “without the risks for our country growing in the wrong direction”.
Asked later on ZDF public television whether his hesitation had led to a “loss of trust” among allies, Scholz rejected the criticism.
“Everyone knows we are making a big contribution, also compared to other countries, in terms of support for Ukraine — not only financially and with humanitarian aid but also with weapons.”
But some analysts said his concern for domestic politics may have cost Ukraine on the frontlines.
In the meantime, “several months” had been lost in the defence of Ukraine, while Scholz was “more concerned with domestic politics” and an issue he did not see as a “big vote winner”, Chatham House analyst John Lough told AFP.
Fears that moving too rashly would lead to an escalation in the war were exaggerated, too. Even without tank deliveries, “the Russians have escalated anyway”, for example by targeting critical infrastructure in Ukraine, Lough said.
Amid the ruckus, particularly with neighbouring Poland accusing Scholz of dithering, analysts point to the damage done to Germany’s reputation.
Bild daily piled on the pressure at home, accusing Scholz of cowardice. But a day later, a high-profile defence ministers’ meeting of Ukraine allies last Friday still failed to break the deadlock on tanks.
The delay was “embarrassing for the German government”, said Lough.
German Chancellor Olaf Scholz (SPD) comments on the Russian attack on Ukraine during a press conference at the Chancellery on February 24th, 2022. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Michael Kappeler
Sudha David-Wilp, director of the German Marshall Fund’s Berlin office, said moving in lock-step with the United States gave Scholz the “political cover he needed” to say “yes” to German tank deliveries.
But his short-term win was not “necessarily good for Germany because it has lost a lot of trust” with key partners, David-Wilp said.
The way the tank drama played out “clearly shows that the US needs to play a leadership role in Europe” and its security, while German leadership remained “elusive”, she said.
Yet, for all the apparent damage to Scholz, there might be a winner.
The unexpected US tank commitment means that officials in Ukraine have “all kinds of different kit now”, David-Wilp added.