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Term starts in Uganda – but world’s longest shutdown has left schools in crisis | Global development

The gate that once proudly displayed the name of Godwins primary school in Kampala has been removed. The compound, where pupils played at break time, is now a parking area for trucks ferrying goods to the nearby market, while the classrooms have been turned into a travellers’ lodge.

Uganda’s schools were ordered to reopen on Monday 10 January, after nearly two years of closure – the longest school shutdown in the world – but not all were able to welcome pupils back. Godwins, in Kalerwe in Kawempe division, is one of the many schools that will never reopen. It had been in existence for 20 years catering to children whose parents work in nearby Kalerwe market.

Harriet Namubiru, a charcoal seller whose two grandchildren, aged eight and 10, attended the school, says its closure is a “tragedy that has befallen us”.

“The management of the school called a meeting and they told us ‘It has become very hard for us to run again. We shall not open,’” she says. “It was like lightning or something [had hit us]. Some parents who were in the meeting fainted. Some fell sick for weeks.”

Kampala’s suburbs are littered with ghost structures that were once schools. Some buildings were sold, while others have been destroyed to make way for real estate development. Kampala Capital City Authority said that more than 40 schools in the city have closed for good. Local media is awash with reports of schools turned into bars, restaurants or travellers’ accommodation.

There are no official figures on the number of schools that have failed to reopen countrywide.

KidCare nursery and primary school will not reopen – it is now a depot for beverages.
KidCare nursery and primary school will not reopen – it is now a depot for beverages. Photograph: Alon Mwesigwa

Kidcare nursery and primary school in the suburb of Najjera is now a depot for beverages. The dusty classrooms and dining hall at nearby Najjera progressive school lie empty; some of Najjera’s classroom blocks have been destroyed to make way for a real estate development.

At Makerere highway school in Kivulu, a Kampala slum, pupils were welcomed by heavy padlocks. The building owner says she “no longer wants school business on her property”. She says previous schools have not paid rent for two years and she has opted to use the space for other businesses.

Upcountry, some students arrived to find school roofs blown off or classrooms taken over by anthills. They were forced study under trees.

Covid guidelines mean extra costs for schools and parents. Schools unable to meet these and the demands by some landlords that they pay rent arrears will stay shut – and many may never reopen.

At Mawero Primary School eastern Uganda, the roof was destroyed during a storm just before the coronavirus lockdown, and was never replaced. Now weeds grow in the deserted classrooms.
At Mawero Primary School eastern Uganda, the roof was destroyed during a storm just before the coronavirus lockdown, and was never replaced. Now weeds grow in the deserted classrooms. Photograph: Nicholas Bamulanzeki/AP

Namubiru is still searching for an affordable school for her grandchildren.

“It’s difficult. Our school [Godwins] understood us. It accepted our children, and we brought tuition fees whenever we could,” she says, explaining that new schools are expensive and require fees upfront.

The reopening of schools was met with relief by pupils, teachers and parents, but the turnout at many was low. At Chegere primary school in the northern Apac district, just one pupil appeared on the first day.

Local media reports zero turnouts at some schools in the central district of Nakasongola.

Nicholas Bwire, director of St Nicholas primary school in Mukono, central Uganda, says he registered few pupils but is optimistic that more will attend.

“The turnout for learners has been poor. Parents are still worried that they may bring children, pay tuition fees only for schools to be closed again after a few weeks. This happened to them early last year when schools closed just days after opening,” he says. “[Parents] are telling us that ‘we’re coming on Monday’.”

Bwire says he is happy that all his teachers except one showed up. All his non-teaching staff resigned, but he hopes to recruit new ones.

Christine Babirye, a teacher at a community kindergarten in Kampala, says parents cited fees and lack of materials as reasons for not sending their children in the first week. She says her school has lowered tuition costs and encouraged parents to bring pupils.

For those returning after 83 weeks away from the classroom, it is a cheerful moment.

“I feel very good to be back at school. [Life at] home was boring,” says Mark Kibuuka, 14, a pupil at Bat valley primary school in Kampala.

Fellow pupil Shatrah Nanyange, 11, adds: “My mother told me ‘If you go to school, be a good child and if you study well, I will give you everything you want.’ I am doing just that.”

Teachers welcome a student back to Mbale primary school.
Teachers welcome a student back to Mbale primary school. Photograph: Reuters

But experts warn the impact of long closure on schools and pupils cannot be overstated. Before the pandemic, Uganda was battling poor educational outcomes. This will worsen as dropouts grow.

Dr Ibrahim Kasirye, a researcher at the thinktank Economic Policy Research Centre, says: “Inequalities in access to education have been exacerbated by the nearly two years closure of schools.”

“The variation in the ability to access alternative forms of learning offered to kids during the lockdowns such as using radios and televisions, newspapers, and the internet has created two worlds within the country– – one that lost most of the two years of schooling and another, a ‘first world’ that managed the crisis and continued learning,” he says, urging special attention for the group that did not learn at all.

Dr Mary Goretti Nakabugo, the executive director of Uwezo, a charity promoting access to learning in Uganda, says the country’s education sector is “in a crisis”.

“We must ensure that all learners go back to school, but also what happens when they are back matters to ensure that they are not worried and are able to stay.”

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Women’s voices and votes loom large as pope is set to open a Vatican meeting on church’s future | International

A few years ago, Pope Francis told the head of the main Vatican-backed Catholic women’s organization to be “brave” in pushing for change for women in the Catholic Church.

Maria Lia Zervino took his advice and in 2021 wrote Francis a letter, then made it public, saying flat out that the Catholic Church owed a big debt to half of humanity and that women deserved to be at the table where church decisions are made, not as mere “ornaments” but as protagonists.

Francis appears to have taken note, and this week opens a global gathering of Catholic bishops and laypeople discussing the future of the church, where women — their voices and their votes — are taking center stage for the first time.

For Zervino, who worked alongside the former Cardinal Jorge Mario Bergoglio when both held positions in the Argentine bishops’ conference, the gathering is a watershed moment for the church and quite possibly the most consequential thing Francis will have undertaken as pope.

“Not only because of these events in October in Rome, but because the church has found a different way of being church,” Zervino said in a recent interview in her Vatican offices. “And for women, this is an extraordinary step forward.”

Women have long complained they are treated as second-class citizens in the church, barred from the priesthood and highest ranks of power yet responsible for the lion’s share of church work — teaching in Catholic schools, running Catholic hospitals and passing the faith down to next generations.

They have long demanded a greater say in church governance, at the very least with voting rights at the periodic synods at the Vatican but also the right to preach at Mass and be ordained as priests. While they have secured some high-profile positions in the Vatican and local churches around the globe, the male hierarchy still runs the show.

This 3-week synod, which begins Wednesday, is putting them more or less on an equal playing field to debate agenda items, including such hot-button issues as women in governance, LGBTQ+ Catholics and priestly celibacy. It’s the culmination of an unprecedented two-year canvasing of rank-and-file Catholics about their hopes for the future of the institution.

The potential that this synod, and a second session next year, could lead to real change on previously taboo topics has given hope to many women and progressive Catholics. At the same time, it has sparked alarm from conservatives, some of whom have warned that the process risks opening a “Pandora’s Box” that will split the church.

American Cardinal Raymond Burke, a frequent Francis critic, recently wrote that the synod and its new vision for the church “have become slogans behind which a revolution is at work to change radically the church’s self-understanding in accord with a contemporary ideology which denies much of what the church has always taught and practiced.”

The Vatican has hosted synods for decades to discuss particular issues such as the church in Africa or the Amazon, with bishops voting on proposals at the end for the pope to consider in a future document.

This edition is historic because its theme is so broad — it’s essentially how to be a more inclusive and missionary church in the 21st century — and because Francis has allowed women and other laypeople to vote alongside bishops for the first time.

Of the 464 participants, 365 are voting members, and of them only 54 are women. While organizers insist the aim is to reach consensus, not tally votes like a parliament, the voting reform is nevertheless significant, tangible evidence of Francis’ vision of the Catholic Church as being more about its flock than its shepherds.

“I think the church has just come to a point of realization that the church belongs to all of us, to all the baptized,” said Sheila Pires, who works for the South African bishops’ conference and is a member of the synod’s communications team.

Women, she said, are leading the charge calling for change.

“I don’t want to use the word revolution,” Pires said in an interview in Johannesburg. But women “want their voices to be heard, not just towards decision-making, but also during decision-making. Women want to be part of that.”

Francis took a first step in responding to those demands in 2021 when he appointed French Sister Nathalie Becquart as undersecretary of the synod’s organizing secretariat, a job which by its office entitled her to a vote but which had previously only been held by a man.

Becquart has in many ways become the face of the synod, traveling the globe during its preparatory phases to try to explain Francis’ idea of a church that welcomes everyone and accompanies them.

“It’s about how could we be men and women together in this society, in this church, with this vision of equality, of dignity, reciprocity, collaboration, partnership,” Becquart said in a June interview.

At previous synods, women were only allowed more marginal roles of observers or experts, literally seated in the last row of the audience hall while the bishops and cardinals took the front rows and voted. This time around, all participants will be seated together at hierarchically neutral round tables to facilitate discussion.

Outside the synod hall, groups advocating for even more women’s representation in the church are hosting a series of events, prayer vigils and marches to have their voices heard.

Discerning Deacons, a group pressing for the pope to approve female deacons, as there were in the early church, sent a small delegation and the issue of female deacons is formally on the synod agenda. Other groups pressing for women’s ordination to the priesthood are also in Rome, even though the pope has taken the subject of women priests off the table.

“I’m hopeful that there is room in that space for these bold conversations, courageous conversations, and particularly that the voices and experiences of women called to the priesthood are brought to the synod,” said Kate McElwee, director of the Women’s Ordination Conference.

Zervino’s group, the World Union of Catholic Women’s Organizations, a Vatican-based umbrella organization of 100 Catholic associations, conducted a survey earlier this year of Catholics who participated in the synod consultations. While a few women in North America and Europe called for female priests, there was a broader demand for female deacons and the call is featured in the synod’s working document.

Francis listens to Zervino, an Argentine consecrated woman. He recently named her as one of three women to sit on the membership board of the Dicastery for Bishops, the first time in history that women have had a say in vetting the successors of Christ’s Apostles.

Zervino says such small steps like her nomination are crucial and offer the correct way of envisioning the changes that are under way for women in the church, especially given all the expectations that have been placed on the synod.

“For those who think that there’s going to be a ‘before the synod and after,’ I bet they’ll be disillusioned,” she says. “But if women are smart enough to realize that we’re headed in the right direction, and that these steps are fundamental for the next ones, then I bet we won’t be disillusioned.”

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Assessing The Potential of The India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) Against China’s Belt And Road Initiative (BRI)

(THE VOICE OF EU) – In a recent address, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi hailed the newly unveiled India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) as a transformative force poised to shape global trade for centuries. While the IMEC undoubtedly presents a significant development, it’s vital to scrutinize its potential impact compared to China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

The IMEC was jointly announced by US President Joe Biden and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman at the G20 summit in Delhi. Designed to fortify transportation and communication networks between Europe and Asia via rail and shipping routes, the project not only holds regional promise but also reflects a strategic move by the US in its geopolitical interests, particularly concerning China.

However, the IMEC faces a formidable contender in the form of China’s BRI, which celebrated its tenth anniversary this year.

Despite facing some headwinds, including a slowdown in lending due to China’s economic deceleration and concerns raised by nations like Italy, Sri Lanka, and Zambia regarding debt sustainability, the BRI remains a monumental global undertaking.

With investments surpassing a staggering $1 trillion and over 150 partner countries, the BRI has transformed from a regional initiative to a near-global endeavor.

Comparatively, the IMEC may not immediately match the scale or ambition of the BRI. While the US, Japan, and the G7 nations have introduced similar initiatives like the Global Gateway and Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment, none have achieved the expansive reach or influence of the BRI.

The emergence of these projects over the past five years, however, demonstrates the BRI’s pivotal role as a catalyst for global economic growth.

Viewing the IMEC solely through the lens of opposition to the BRI may not provide a comprehensive understanding of its potential.

Instead, the IMEC contributes to a broader trend of transactional partnerships, where countries engage with multiple collaborators simultaneously, underscoring the complex and interconnected nature of global trade relations.

Yet, realizing the IMEC’s aspirations demands meticulous planning and execution. A comprehensive action plan is expected within the next 60 days, outlining key governmental agencies responsible for investments, allocated capital, and implementation timelines.

Establishing a streamlined customs and trade infrastructure is equally critical to facilitate seamless transit, a challenge highlighted by the Trans-Eurasian railway’s 30-country passage through Kazakhstan.

Navigating geopolitical complexities between partner countries, particularly the US, Israel, and Saudi Arabia, poses another potential hurdle.

Ensuring these nations maintain a unified strategic vision amid differing priorities and interests requires careful diplomatic coordination.

Furthermore, the IMEC will compete directly with the Suez Canal, a well-established and cost-effective maritime route.

While the IMEC may enhance relations with the UAE and Saudi Arabia, it could potentially strain ties with Egypt, prompting critical assessments of the project’s economic viability.

Beyond trade and economics, the IMEC ambitiously aims to incorporate diverse sectors, from electricity grids to cybersecurity.

This multi-dimensional approach aligns with discussions held in security forums like the Quad and, if realized, could significantly contribute to a safer, more sustainable global landscape.

As we contemplate the potential of the IMEC, it is with hope that the lofty ambitions outlined in New Delhi will culminate in a tangible and positive transformation for the world.


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Safe Mobility Initiative Faces Challenges In Delivering On Its Promises For Latin American Migrants

In June, the United States introduced the Movibilidad Segura, or Safe Mobility, program, a new immigration initiative aimed at expanding legal routes for refugees and migrants from South and Central America.

The program’s objective is to reduce irregular migration and strengthen transportation and communication links between the Americas. While the intentions behind Safe Mobility are commendable, its execution has faced several challenges, leaving thousands of applicants in limbo.

For many hopeful migrants like Eliezer Briceño, a 40-year-old Venezuelan residing in Ciudad Bolívar, Colombia, the application process has proven to be a complex and tedious endeavor.

Briceño’s experience highlights the technological barriers that applicants face, emphasizing the need for reliable internet access and suitable devices for successful registration.

Unfortunately, these prerequisites pose significant challenges for those without adequate resources.

Migrantes Darién
Migrants cross a river in the Darién rainforest, October 2022.Fernando Vergara (AP)

The overwhelming response to the program has led to the temporary closure of the website in Colombia, further complicating the application process. With quotas quickly filled during the limited application periods, the backlog of hopeful migrants has grown, exacerbating the frustration and uncertainty surrounding Safe Mobility.

Of the nearly 29,000 applicants from Colombia, less than 1% have progressed through the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) as of August 28. This statistic underscores the significant delays and challenges faced by applicants. Eliezer Briceño, like many others, anxiously awaits news about his application status, armed only with a receipt indicating a forthcoming call.

Safe Mobility, while a response to the migration crisis in Latin America, is one of several initiatives addressing the challenges faced by millions of displaced individuals.

Its collaboration with the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) demonstrates a multi-lateral effort to find solutions to the region’s complex humanitarian, political, and economic issues.

Migrantes Tapón del Darién
A group of Haitian migrant women & their children wait to board a boat from Necocli, Colombia to Capurgana & then cross the Darién Gap to Panama.

However, the program’s operational secrecy, with undisclosed office locations, underscores the challenges faced by its administrators.

The need to protect both applicants and program staff from potential overcrowding and disruptions mirrors the situation in Tapachula, Mexico, where large groups of migrants have sought assistance, albeit without violent incidents.

The interview process for Safe Mobility applicants introduces another layer of complexity, marked by confidentiality agreements.

While applicants are required to sign agreements consenting to share personal data with program partners, the imposition of non-disclosure clauses appears unusual and unprecedented.

The UNHCR argues that confidentiality is crucial for the protection of individuals in need of international refuge.

The uncertainty persists even after interviews, as those rejected receive prompt notifications while others remain in a state of perpetual waiting. The apparent randomness of selections and the lack of clear communication only heighten the frustrations of applicants.

As Safe Mobility nears the midpoint of its announced six-month pilot period, questions about its effectiveness and future persist.

While the initiative addresses a critical need, its slow start and operational challenges highlight the complexity of addressing the migration crisis in the Americas.

Cooperation from multiple nations, alongside initiatives like Safe Mobility, will be essential in finding lasting solutions to this pressing global issue.


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