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Kyiv seeks weapons, as EU nudges toward SWIFT ban

Ukrainians fighting to fend off a Russian assault are asking for weapons shipments including US- and UK-made anti-tank weapons, as EU countries showed signs they are willing to cut themselves off from Russia financially.

The details of Ukraine’s requests to Nato are classified so as not to expose gaps in Kyiv’s military capabilities — but they include anti-tank and anti-aircraft rockets, small arms and ammunition, according to Ukrainian diplomatic sources.

US-made anti-tank rockets called Javelins had been effective — but more weapons and supplies were needed.

The Javelins “have made a big difference, but we need more ammunition for them,” one diplomat, who asked not to be named for security reasons, said in Brussels late Friday (February 26).

Allied leaders meeting at a virtual-summit the same day announced an “unprecedented” deployment of a joint rapid-response force to eastern Europe to deter Russian aggression.

The allies also agreed to keep arming Ukraine, despite Russian president Vladimir Putin’s threats against outside “interference.” But they reiterated they would not intervene in the war unless Russia attacked nearby Nato countries.

For its part, the Ukrainian government has started a global drive for donations to pay for weapons.

And according to the same Ukrainian diplomatic sources, Western arms shipments still were deliverable across overland routes from Poland and could still reach Kyiv despite an assault on the city by Russian forces from mostly northern positions.

Ukraine estimates Russia has lost over 3,000 soldiers in two days of fighting, but it has no evidence to prove this, amid Russian counter-claims.

If there were heavy Russian casualties, that could make Putin rethink his military operation, Andrey Kortunov, the director of the Russian International Affairs Council, a Russian state-linked think-tank, told BBC radio on Saturday.

Putin was counting on victory in two weeks and “if he fails to do that, his popularity [in Russia] is likely to plummet,” Kortunov said. On the other hand, he warned, a desperate Putin could resort to using heavy Russian fire on civilian targets in Ukraine.

On the diplomatic front, EU countries on Friday imposed an asset-freeze on Putin and his foreign minister Sergei Lavrov.

Putin was “responsible for the deaths of innocent people,” German foreign minister Annalena Baerbock said Friday.

That move is largely symbolic, as Putin is not believed to have assets in the West in his own name. But even so it marked a political watershed, as moral outrage in the West mounted.

There also appeared to be movement in Ukraine’s favour on the financial front.

During a summit in Brussels Thursday night, EU leaders had stopped short of banning Russia from the SWIFT international bank-payment system or imposing embargoes on Russian oil and gas exports.

That foot-dragging prompted widespread outrage — and embarrassment for countries like Hungary, Germany and Italy that stood in the way.

On Saturday, however, Ukrainian president Volodomyr Zelensky announced that Italian prime minister Mario Draghi had made a U-turn.

“This is the beginning of a new page in the history of our states,” Zelensky tweeted, referring to Italy.

That followed a contretemps where Draghi had tried to phone Zelensky on Friday morning — and where the Ukrainian president missed the call because he was dealing with heavy fighting at least three locations where his forces were taking casualties.

Zelensky later tweeted acidly that henceforth, he’d “try to move the war schedule to talk to #MarioDraghi at a specific time.”

Vetoes melt

Germany and France have also said they would not veto a SWIFT ban — but Berlin still needed to calculate its impact, according to German finance minister Christian Lindner, speaking to reporters in Paris on Friday.

The easing positions meant a new decision on SWIFT might take place in the “coming days,” EU foreign affairs chief Josep Borrell said in Brussels later the same day.

“[Blocking Russia from] SWIFT is just a matter of time, very short time, days,” a European Central Bank governor, who asked not to be named, told the Reuters news agency on Saturday.

“Is it sufficient? No. Is it necessary? Absolutely,” the bank governor added.

China and India, which are two potential financial saviours of Russia should it be cut off financially by the West, abstained on Friday from a UN Security Council vote condemning Putin’s war.

Even so, that resolution now goes to a UN General Assembly vote of all member states as a further test of the support the Russian leader still maintains globally.

Anti-war rallies are planned in several EU cities, including Berlin, this weekend.

Angry protesters in Dublin Friday surrounded a car trying to get into the Russian embassy and yelled “go home!” in just one of many signs from around Europe of the degree of public fury at Russia — and at Putin personally.

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Women’s voices and votes loom large as pope is set to open a Vatican meeting on church’s future | International

A few years ago, Pope Francis told the head of the main Vatican-backed Catholic women’s organization to be “brave” in pushing for change for women in the Catholic Church.

Maria Lia Zervino took his advice and in 2021 wrote Francis a letter, then made it public, saying flat out that the Catholic Church owed a big debt to half of humanity and that women deserved to be at the table where church decisions are made, not as mere “ornaments” but as protagonists.

Francis appears to have taken note, and this week opens a global gathering of Catholic bishops and laypeople discussing the future of the church, where women — their voices and their votes — are taking center stage for the first time.

For Zervino, who worked alongside the former Cardinal Jorge Mario Bergoglio when both held positions in the Argentine bishops’ conference, the gathering is a watershed moment for the church and quite possibly the most consequential thing Francis will have undertaken as pope.

“Not only because of these events in October in Rome, but because the church has found a different way of being church,” Zervino said in a recent interview in her Vatican offices. “And for women, this is an extraordinary step forward.”

Women have long complained they are treated as second-class citizens in the church, barred from the priesthood and highest ranks of power yet responsible for the lion’s share of church work — teaching in Catholic schools, running Catholic hospitals and passing the faith down to next generations.

They have long demanded a greater say in church governance, at the very least with voting rights at the periodic synods at the Vatican but also the right to preach at Mass and be ordained as priests. While they have secured some high-profile positions in the Vatican and local churches around the globe, the male hierarchy still runs the show.

This 3-week synod, which begins Wednesday, is putting them more or less on an equal playing field to debate agenda items, including such hot-button issues as women in governance, LGBTQ+ Catholics and priestly celibacy. It’s the culmination of an unprecedented two-year canvasing of rank-and-file Catholics about their hopes for the future of the institution.

The potential that this synod, and a second session next year, could lead to real change on previously taboo topics has given hope to many women and progressive Catholics. At the same time, it has sparked alarm from conservatives, some of whom have warned that the process risks opening a “Pandora’s Box” that will split the church.

American Cardinal Raymond Burke, a frequent Francis critic, recently wrote that the synod and its new vision for the church “have become slogans behind which a revolution is at work to change radically the church’s self-understanding in accord with a contemporary ideology which denies much of what the church has always taught and practiced.”

The Vatican has hosted synods for decades to discuss particular issues such as the church in Africa or the Amazon, with bishops voting on proposals at the end for the pope to consider in a future document.

This edition is historic because its theme is so broad — it’s essentially how to be a more inclusive and missionary church in the 21st century — and because Francis has allowed women and other laypeople to vote alongside bishops for the first time.

Of the 464 participants, 365 are voting members, and of them only 54 are women. While organizers insist the aim is to reach consensus, not tally votes like a parliament, the voting reform is nevertheless significant, tangible evidence of Francis’ vision of the Catholic Church as being more about its flock than its shepherds.

“I think the church has just come to a point of realization that the church belongs to all of us, to all the baptized,” said Sheila Pires, who works for the South African bishops’ conference and is a member of the synod’s communications team.

Women, she said, are leading the charge calling for change.

“I don’t want to use the word revolution,” Pires said in an interview in Johannesburg. But women “want their voices to be heard, not just towards decision-making, but also during decision-making. Women want to be part of that.”

Francis took a first step in responding to those demands in 2021 when he appointed French Sister Nathalie Becquart as undersecretary of the synod’s organizing secretariat, a job which by its office entitled her to a vote but which had previously only been held by a man.

Becquart has in many ways become the face of the synod, traveling the globe during its preparatory phases to try to explain Francis’ idea of a church that welcomes everyone and accompanies them.

“It’s about how could we be men and women together in this society, in this church, with this vision of equality, of dignity, reciprocity, collaboration, partnership,” Becquart said in a June interview.

At previous synods, women were only allowed more marginal roles of observers or experts, literally seated in the last row of the audience hall while the bishops and cardinals took the front rows and voted. This time around, all participants will be seated together at hierarchically neutral round tables to facilitate discussion.

Outside the synod hall, groups advocating for even more women’s representation in the church are hosting a series of events, prayer vigils and marches to have their voices heard.

Discerning Deacons, a group pressing for the pope to approve female deacons, as there were in the early church, sent a small delegation and the issue of female deacons is formally on the synod agenda. Other groups pressing for women’s ordination to the priesthood are also in Rome, even though the pope has taken the subject of women priests off the table.

“I’m hopeful that there is room in that space for these bold conversations, courageous conversations, and particularly that the voices and experiences of women called to the priesthood are brought to the synod,” said Kate McElwee, director of the Women’s Ordination Conference.

Zervino’s group, the World Union of Catholic Women’s Organizations, a Vatican-based umbrella organization of 100 Catholic associations, conducted a survey earlier this year of Catholics who participated in the synod consultations. While a few women in North America and Europe called for female priests, there was a broader demand for female deacons and the call is featured in the synod’s working document.

Francis listens to Zervino, an Argentine consecrated woman. He recently named her as one of three women to sit on the membership board of the Dicastery for Bishops, the first time in history that women have had a say in vetting the successors of Christ’s Apostles.

Zervino says such small steps like her nomination are crucial and offer the correct way of envisioning the changes that are under way for women in the church, especially given all the expectations that have been placed on the synod.

“For those who think that there’s going to be a ‘before the synod and after,’ I bet they’ll be disillusioned,” she says. “But if women are smart enough to realize that we’re headed in the right direction, and that these steps are fundamental for the next ones, then I bet we won’t be disillusioned.”

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Assessing The Potential of The India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) Against China’s Belt And Road Initiative (BRI)

(THE VOICE OF EU) – In a recent address, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi hailed the newly unveiled India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) as a transformative force poised to shape global trade for centuries. While the IMEC undoubtedly presents a significant development, it’s vital to scrutinize its potential impact compared to China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

The IMEC was jointly announced by US President Joe Biden and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman at the G20 summit in Delhi. Designed to fortify transportation and communication networks between Europe and Asia via rail and shipping routes, the project not only holds regional promise but also reflects a strategic move by the US in its geopolitical interests, particularly concerning China.

However, the IMEC faces a formidable contender in the form of China’s BRI, which celebrated its tenth anniversary this year.

Despite facing some headwinds, including a slowdown in lending due to China’s economic deceleration and concerns raised by nations like Italy, Sri Lanka, and Zambia regarding debt sustainability, the BRI remains a monumental global undertaking.

With investments surpassing a staggering $1 trillion and over 150 partner countries, the BRI has transformed from a regional initiative to a near-global endeavor.

Comparatively, the IMEC may not immediately match the scale or ambition of the BRI. While the US, Japan, and the G7 nations have introduced similar initiatives like the Global Gateway and Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment, none have achieved the expansive reach or influence of the BRI.

The emergence of these projects over the past five years, however, demonstrates the BRI’s pivotal role as a catalyst for global economic growth.

Viewing the IMEC solely through the lens of opposition to the BRI may not provide a comprehensive understanding of its potential.

Instead, the IMEC contributes to a broader trend of transactional partnerships, where countries engage with multiple collaborators simultaneously, underscoring the complex and interconnected nature of global trade relations.

Yet, realizing the IMEC’s aspirations demands meticulous planning and execution. A comprehensive action plan is expected within the next 60 days, outlining key governmental agencies responsible for investments, allocated capital, and implementation timelines.

Establishing a streamlined customs and trade infrastructure is equally critical to facilitate seamless transit, a challenge highlighted by the Trans-Eurasian railway’s 30-country passage through Kazakhstan.

Navigating geopolitical complexities between partner countries, particularly the US, Israel, and Saudi Arabia, poses another potential hurdle.

Ensuring these nations maintain a unified strategic vision amid differing priorities and interests requires careful diplomatic coordination.

Furthermore, the IMEC will compete directly with the Suez Canal, a well-established and cost-effective maritime route.

While the IMEC may enhance relations with the UAE and Saudi Arabia, it could potentially strain ties with Egypt, prompting critical assessments of the project’s economic viability.

Beyond trade and economics, the IMEC ambitiously aims to incorporate diverse sectors, from electricity grids to cybersecurity.

This multi-dimensional approach aligns with discussions held in security forums like the Quad and, if realized, could significantly contribute to a safer, more sustainable global landscape.

As we contemplate the potential of the IMEC, it is with hope that the lofty ambitions outlined in New Delhi will culminate in a tangible and positive transformation for the world.


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Safe Mobility Initiative Faces Challenges In Delivering On Its Promises For Latin American Migrants

In June, the United States introduced the Movibilidad Segura, or Safe Mobility, program, a new immigration initiative aimed at expanding legal routes for refugees and migrants from South and Central America.

The program’s objective is to reduce irregular migration and strengthen transportation and communication links between the Americas. While the intentions behind Safe Mobility are commendable, its execution has faced several challenges, leaving thousands of applicants in limbo.

For many hopeful migrants like Eliezer Briceño, a 40-year-old Venezuelan residing in Ciudad Bolívar, Colombia, the application process has proven to be a complex and tedious endeavor.

Briceño’s experience highlights the technological barriers that applicants face, emphasizing the need for reliable internet access and suitable devices for successful registration.

Unfortunately, these prerequisites pose significant challenges for those without adequate resources.

Migrantes Darién
Migrants cross a river in the Darién rainforest, October 2022.Fernando Vergara (AP)

The overwhelming response to the program has led to the temporary closure of the website in Colombia, further complicating the application process. With quotas quickly filled during the limited application periods, the backlog of hopeful migrants has grown, exacerbating the frustration and uncertainty surrounding Safe Mobility.

Of the nearly 29,000 applicants from Colombia, less than 1% have progressed through the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) as of August 28. This statistic underscores the significant delays and challenges faced by applicants. Eliezer Briceño, like many others, anxiously awaits news about his application status, armed only with a receipt indicating a forthcoming call.

Safe Mobility, while a response to the migration crisis in Latin America, is one of several initiatives addressing the challenges faced by millions of displaced individuals.

Its collaboration with the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) demonstrates a multi-lateral effort to find solutions to the region’s complex humanitarian, political, and economic issues.

Migrantes Tapón del Darién
A group of Haitian migrant women & their children wait to board a boat from Necocli, Colombia to Capurgana & then cross the Darién Gap to Panama.

However, the program’s operational secrecy, with undisclosed office locations, underscores the challenges faced by its administrators.

The need to protect both applicants and program staff from potential overcrowding and disruptions mirrors the situation in Tapachula, Mexico, where large groups of migrants have sought assistance, albeit without violent incidents.

The interview process for Safe Mobility applicants introduces another layer of complexity, marked by confidentiality agreements.

While applicants are required to sign agreements consenting to share personal data with program partners, the imposition of non-disclosure clauses appears unusual and unprecedented.

The UNHCR argues that confidentiality is crucial for the protection of individuals in need of international refuge.

The uncertainty persists even after interviews, as those rejected receive prompt notifications while others remain in a state of perpetual waiting. The apparent randomness of selections and the lack of clear communication only heighten the frustrations of applicants.

As Safe Mobility nears the midpoint of its announced six-month pilot period, questions about its effectiveness and future persist.

While the initiative addresses a critical need, its slow start and operational challenges highlight the complexity of addressing the migration crisis in the Americas.

Cooperation from multiple nations, alongside initiatives like Safe Mobility, will be essential in finding lasting solutions to this pressing global issue.


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