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The Media Have Been Lying About the Murder of the Tsar and His Family for 100 Years

Voice Of EU



A murder of Russian Imperial family members on July 18, 1918, in Alapayevsk in the Urals, the day after the shooting at Yekaterinburg of the last Tsar, Nicholas II, and his family.

A taboo topic in the shamed West, Russia today marks the centenary of the heartless butchery of the wider Imperial Russian family committed by Wall Street financed, mostly non-Russian mercenaries during the greatest nation heist in the history of humankind.


One hundred years ago the czar and his family were brutally murdered by the non-Christian Bolsheviks. Yet it wasn’t only the immediate family which was butchered—but also many more Romanov relatives as well. Martyrs to their faith, they are now recognized as saints . . .

July 2018 the centenary of a catastrophic event is widely commemorated throughout the Federation of Russia. Indeed, the entire nation remembers and revisits the terrible fate of the immediate Imperial family and the blood-dynasty of one of Europe’s oldest and most revered royal families.

Tsar Nicholas II, Tsarina Alexandra Feodorovna, their daughters and Grand Duchess Elisabeth Feodorovna, an older sister of Alexandra, the last Russian Empress. The royal blood of Europe was spilled but by whom and for what purpose.

On March 15, 1917, the lights first flickered and then went out in Imperial Russia. When Tsar Nicholas II was forced to abdicate a satanic darkness descended on the world’s largest and richest nation. The candles spluttered into flame only with the assassination of Soviet dictator Josef Stalin on March 5, 1953. During 36 years of demonic Bolshevik butchery, their barbarities were censored, justified and even praised by Western journalists and politicians.

Aided covertly by the United States, France, and Britain the Bolsheviks had consolidated their grip on Imperial Russia by 1922. The Bolsheviks in 1917, far from being a significant force were almost caught off guard when anarchic conditions enabled them to seize the initiative.

Lenin afterwards remarked that “if only a handful of people in St. Petersburg had known what we were about to do we would never have achieved victory.”

On the centenary of the massacre of the Tsar, the Tsarina, their children and servants media is subdued. In December 2017 the Daily Mail criticised a Russian initiative aimed at discovering if there had been a racist ritualistic agenda to the bloodletting that stunned the world.

When Russian Prime Minister Dmitri Medvedev signed a decree to build the ‘Museum of the Victims of Stalinist Repression’, Russia’s Prime Minister ran the risk of being charged by Israel with anti-Semitism.

Empress Alexandra Feodorovna and Grand Duchesses Olga Nikolaevna and Tatiana Nikolaevna appear in the group posing with the medical staff of the infirmary.  During WWI (1914-1918) there was hardly a Russian serviceman who didn’t directly or indirectly benefit from the compassion of members of Russia’s imperial family.

Emperor Nicholas II refused to eat anything until he visited the Great War’s wounded arriving at the hospital.

Painting by Pavel Ryzhenko

Painting by Pavel Ryzhenko

The best medical experts worked at the monastery hospital provided by the personal stipend of Elisaveta Feodorovna.  Operations were free of charge and unfortunates refused by commercial doctors were healed. On leaving the Marfo-Mariinsky Hospital patients cried out, ‘Great Mother’, as they called the abbess.


Elisaveta Feodorovna assisted in operations, made dressings, consoled the sick and tried to alleviate suffering. Patients said the Grand Duchess had a curative power that helped them to endure pain and approve serious operations.

Day and night the sisters watched over the patients and the abbess was constantly to hand. She herself bandaged the wounds and often sat all night at a patient’s bedside.

For the purpose of diluting sympathy, media perpetuates myths such as the Russia’s royals being out of touch with the peoples of Russia. In fact, Russia’s pious royals got their hands dirty much more than did their extended family elsewhere in Europe.


Russia was depicted as being of little significance yet the Romanov Dynasty (1613-1917) was a family made up of Europe’s royal houses. Theirs was the blood of England, Denmark, Greece, Germany, Romania, Habsburg Dynasty, Russia, and Serbia, then a powerful state.


Queen Victoria and her family

The direct male line of the Romanov family came to an end when Empress Elizabeth died in 1762. The House of Holstein-Gottorp, a branch of the House of Oldenburg, ascended the throne in 1762 with Peter III, a grandson of Peter the Great. Hence, all Russian monarchs from the mid-18th century to the Russian Revolution descended from that branch. Though officially known as the House of Romanov, these descendants of the Romanov and Oldenburg dynasties are sometimes referred to as Holstein-Gottorp-Romanov.

Another myth is that the massacre of the martyred was confined to the Tsar and his family whilst the fate of the dynasty’s extended family remains a taboo topic.


When in early 1917 Tsar Nicholas II abdicated, the extended Romanov family had 65 members, 18 of whom were slaughtered by the bankrolled Bolsheviks between June 13, 1918, and July 18, 1918.


Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovich (40), youngest brother of  Czar Nicholas II, was arrested along with his last personal Russian secretary and friend  Nikolay Nikolaevich Zhonson (Johnson) and taken to Perm in Siberia, on the order of the Council of the People’s Commissars, which included both Vladimir Lenin and Josef Stalin.


Mikhail Alexandrovich Romanov

On the night of June 12-13, 1918, the two (Michael Romanov and Nikolay Johnson) were taken to the woods outside Perm and killed; their bodies have never been discovered.


Tsar Nicholas II and his immediate family were murdered by their Bolshevik guards on the night of July16-17, 1918.

On July 18, 1918, the following Romanovs were bound and taken to an abandoned mine shaft outside of Alapayevsk, Siberia. There, each was blindfolded and forced to walk across a log placed over a 20-metres (66 feet) deep mine shaft. Grand Duke Sergei Mikhailovich refused and was shot.


The others in the party were roughly pushed into the mine shaft. The Cheka beat all the prisoners before throwing their victims into this pit, Elisabeth being the first. The victims included Grand Duke Sergei Mikhailovich (59), Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna (54), three brothers, who were the great-grandchildren of Emperor Nicholas I of Russia, Prince Ioann Constantinovich (32), Prince Constantine Constantinovich (28), Prince Igor Constantinovich (24), and Russian aristocrat and poet Prince Vladimir Pavlovich Paley (21); also Grand Duke Sergei’s secretary, Fyodor Remez and a Russian Orthodox nun Varvara Yakovleva, a sister from the Grand Duchess’s convent. Hand grenades were then hurled down the shaft, but only one victim, Fyodor Remez, died as a result of the explosion.


Grand Duke Nicholas Mikhailovich (59), his brother Grand Duke Georgy Mikhailovich (56), and also their cousins Grand Duke Dmitry Konstantinovich (58) and Grand Duke Pavel Alexandrovich (59) were shot outside the St. Peter and St. Paul Fortress in St. Petersburg.


Grand Duke Nicholas Michailovich, grandson of Tsar Nicholas I, 60.

Grand Duke George Michailovich, grandson of Tsar Nicholas I and brother of Nicholas Michailovich, 56.

Grand Duke Dmitry Constantinovich, grandson of Tsar Nicholas I, 59.

Grand Duke Paul Alexandrovich, son of Tsar Alexander II, 59.

Wall Street bankers financed the coup in which few ethnic Russians played a leading part. Primarily, the purpose of the regime change was to seize Russia´s natural resources and imperial wealth. Thirdly, the purpose was to turn Russia into a vast slave plantation to serve the interests of Western banking and industrial conglomerates.

A reward for the slaughter of the Romanov dynasty and on-going investment in the six-year-long Civil War was provided by Wall Street banker Jacob Schiff (1847~1920). This German-born American Jew publicly celebrated the slaughter of the Romanovs and boasted that his support for the Bolsheviks had led to the seizure of Imperial Russia.

Jacob Schiff

“Will you say for me to those present at tonight’s meeting how deeply I regret my inability to celebrate with the Friends of Russian Freedom the actual reward of what we hoped for and striven for these long years.” ~ Jacob Schiff, New York bankers, ‘Kuhn, Loeb & Co. Quote: New York Times, March 24. 1917.


US President Theodore Roosevelt (1858 – 1910). Behind his left shoulder is bearded, Jacob Schiff.

The greatest coup in history is estimated to have directly or indirectly led to the martyrdom of between 70 and 100 million mostly Christians. Jacob Schiff appears to have achieved the dubious distinction of being the biggest killer in the history of humankind yet he is unheard of in the West.


Throughout the six-year insurrection, the Bolshevik hold on Russia was tenuous whilst the presence of the Imperial Russian family posed a constant threat. The Russian historian, V. M. Khrustalev believes the Bolsheviks had drawn up a plan to gather together the entire Romanov family and remove the dynasty’s immediate and distant family members to a place beyond the Ural Mountains where for the time being at least the Bolsheviks held control. As the conflict’s front was rapidly changing opportunity was sought to destroy the family before a rescue could take place.


In 1918 the Bolsheviks were primarily made up of Vladimir Lenin (born Goldman, his mother’s maiden surname Blank), Yakov Sverdlov, Moisey Uritsky, Grigory Zinoviev (born Hirsch Apfelbaum, known also under the name Ovsei-Gershon Aronovich Radomyslsky), Sergey Gusev (Yakov Davidovich Drabkin), and Felix Dzerzhinsky: All were Jewish and spoke fluent Yiddish.


Yakov Sverdlov

In the spring of 1918, the Romanov family was arrested and sent to the Urals from Petrograd. Judging by surviving documents, the elaborate transfers took place under the close supervision of the Ural Bolsheviks based in Yekaterinburg.

Я.М. Свердлов с группой большевиков в туруханской ссылке, третий слева стоит И.В.Джугашвили, июль 1915 го

Yakov Sverdlov with a group of Bolsheviks in the Turukhansk exile, the third on the left is I.V. Dzhugashvili (J.Stalin), July 1915

Yakov Sverdlov (Yankel-Aaron Movshevich Solomon) was one of the most feared and mysterious figures in Russian history. The role of this outlaw and his gang of marauders appear to be a taboo topic in western media.

Such was Sverdlov’s omnipotent role that a huge region and the largest city in Siberia has been named in his honour; likewise a plaza in central Moscow. The name Sverdlov has been attached to tens of settlements, railway stations, and collective farms. It has been awarded many Soviet institutions, military units, schools, hospitals, pioneer camps, and factories. The mystery is precisely for what reason and even experts are perplexed by the question.

The most heinous crimes committed by the Bolsheviks were those committed by Sverdlov and his brigands. The outlaw was an author of countless bloody atrocities committed across large swathes of Russia. The pre-planned Red Terror had as it midwife Yakov Sverdlov.

During the ‘revolutionary’ period his name was far better known than the names of Trotsky and Josef Stalin. It was only after the death of Sverdlov that Trotsky’s name achieved similar prominence. Such was the omnipotence of the Jewish firebrand that he had the power to destroy V I. Lenin and Felix Dzerzhinsky chairman of the Cheka.

As Chairman of the Central Executive Committee Sverdlov was the pivotal persona of the assembly’s organisers who inspired, initiated and carried out the genocide of Russians, Ukrainians, Cossacks and other ethnic groups.

Bolshevistsky writer Maxim Gorky Sverdlov family.

Bolshevistsky writer Maxim Gorky with Sverdlov family.

During the revolutionary period, Sverdlov was instrumental in managing the numerically irrelevant Bolsheviks. At the fall of the government, Sverdlov established relations between rival parties and created the governing organisation of the interaction of party structures. Sverdlov then welded together a formidable unit that included the brothers, Zinovy Peshkov, godson of Bolshevik writer Maxim Gorky. Also included was Benjamin Sverdlov, an American based banker, whose counting house was located in the same building as that of ‘Kuhn, Loeb & Co, the bank of Jacob Schiff.

Яков Свердлов с семьей - с женой Клавдией Новгородцевой и сыном Андреем, в будущем полковником МГБ ССС

Yakov Sverdlov pictured with his wife Klaudia and their son Andrei Sverdlov. According to Russian writer Alexander Solzhenitsyn, Klaudia “kept a big diamond fund for the Bolshevik-Communist party at her home, loot garnered when the Bolsheviks had plundered what was needed to fund the revolution: a gang of the Politburo prepared this stock in the event of a power failure.” In 1931-1944 Klaudia Sverdlova worked in the administration of Soviet censorship. She was an author of books and speeches about her husband Y. Sverdlov.

Yekaterinburg from 1924 to 1991 was named Sverdlovsk. In 1991 the city’s name Sverdlovsk was changed back to Yekaterinburg. However, the vast Ural region of Russia still bears the name of the murderous bandit gang leader, Yakov Sverdlov.


Holy Martyr Grand Princess Elizabeth Feodorovna was the second daughter in the family of Ludwig IV, Grand Duke of  Hesse and by Rhine and Princess Alice, a daughter of England’s Queen Victoria.  Princess Elisabeth was the granddaughter of Queen Victoria and an older sister of Alexandra, the last Russian Empress.

collage_photocat 16

Princess Elisabeth of Hesse and by Rhine, later Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna of Russia was a German princess of the House of Hesse-Darmstadt, and the wife of Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich of Russia. She was also maternal great-aunt of Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh, and consort of Queen Elizabeth II. A granddaughter of Queen Victoria and an older sister of Alexandra, the last Russian Empress, Elisabeth Feodorovna became famous in Russian society for her beauty and charitable works among the poor.


After the Socialist Revolutionary Party’s Combat Organization assassinated her husband in 1905, Elisabeth publicly forgave Sergei’s murderer, Ivan Kalyayev. She then departed the Imperial Court and became a nun, founding the Marfo-Mariinsky Convent dedicated to helping the poor of Moscow. In 1918 she was arrested and ultimately executed by the Bolsheviks. In 1981 Elisabeth was canonized by the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad and in 1992 by the Moscow Patriarchate.

On March 9, 1918, Grand Duke of Russia Mikhail (Michael) Alexandrovich Romanov was exiled from Petrograd to Perm in Siberia. When Nicholas II abdicated on 15 March (O.S. 2 March) 1917, Michael was named as his successor instead of Alexei. Michael deferred acceptance of the throne until ratification by an elected assembly but was never confirmed as emperor.


March 26, 1918: Following the expulsion of Mikhail Alexandrovich Romanov, Prince Sergei Mikhailovich, three brothers Princes Ioann, Konstantine and Igor Konstantinovich, children of Grand Duke Konstantin Konstantinovich and Prince Vladimir Pavlovich Paley, (21), were deported to Vyatka. One month later the royal captives were transferred to Yekaterinburg.

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Three children of Grand Duke Konstantin Konstantinovich Romanov executed at Alapayevsk on the night of July 18, 1918. A single photo from the top Ioann  Konstantinovich (32).  Lower individual photos from left to right Konstantin Konstantinovich (27) and Igor Konstantinovich (24). All were officers of the Royal Army and served with distinction in World War I, and all were in the line of royal succession.


Grand Duke Paul Alexandrovich with his second family. From left to right: Princess Olga Paley, Princess Irina Paley, Prince Vladimir Paley (centre), Princess Natalia Paley, and Grand Duke Paul Alexandrovich. 1916.


Elizaveta Feodorovna and Nun Varvara (Yakovleva)

In Moscow on May 7, 1918, Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna was arrested on the orders of Vladimir Lenin and Felix Dzerzhinsky and deported to Perm in Siberia. Later, Elizabeth was transported to Yekaterinburg and placed in Novo-Tikhvinsky Monastery. The Grand Duchess was accompanied by her assistant Nun Varvara (Yakovleva) and Sister of Mercy, Nun Katherine (Yanysheva).

Prince Vladimir Paley with the Grand Dukes arrived in Yekaterinburg on April 20, 1918. The Ural Bolsheviks decided to scatter the family to make their rescue much more problematic for the approaching White Armies. The decree ordering the separation of the Tsar family was the responsibility of the Ural Regional Council and was dated May 18, 1918. On May 20, 1918, the exiled Grand Dukes were moved to Alapayevsk.

In Alapayevsk the royal exiles and retinue were accommodated in a local school situated on the city´s outskirts. The command of the arrested was entrusted to the Alapayevsk Soviet of Workers ‘and Peasants’ Deputies and the Extraordinary Investigative Commission.


At first, the captives were treated civilly and found the place and atmosphere relaxed. The prisoners were issued with ID cards with the right of movement restricted to the confines of Alapayevsk. In order to leave the school building, it was enough to notify the guard.


The murders of the Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovich Romanov and his close friend and secretary Nikolai Zhonson occurred on the night of June 12-13, 1918 in Perm.



The Grand Duke´s Mikhail Romanov ‘disappearance’ was used to justify the transfer of the Romanovs to the Urals under which they were subjected to a strict prison regime. The measures taken by the Urals Bolsheviks coordinated with instructions given by the Bolshevik regime in Moscow and Petrograd.


An indication of the tightening of the Bolshevik regime was received from Yekaterinburg on June 21, 1918. “All the exiles property was confiscated, shoes, linen, dress, pillows, jewellery, personal mementoes, documents, and money. Only one dress, one pair of shoes and two changes of linen were left for each of the hapless captives.

collage_photocat 14

On the night of July 18, 1918, near the Napolnaya School at 2am gunfire was heard. Alarms were raised by a nearby Red Army detachment. Commissioner A. Smolnikov falsely claimed that White Army guards had used an aircraft to abduct the princes. The Bolshevik Alapayevsk Executive Committee immediately sent the following telegram to Yekaterinburg:

‘Throughout the morning of July 18, 1918 posters and flyers were posted around the city informing the community that the princes had been abducted by a gang of White Guards. The posted fliers claimed that during the shootout one of the kidnappers was killed and two Red Guards were wounded.’

The authorities of Alapayevsk and Yekaterinburg carried out an investigation that unsurprisingly failed to report. In Alapayevsk during August 1918 the personal belongings of the butchered family were sold and the martyrs were listed as missing people.


Members of the Presidium of the Ural Council, all of them were Jewish. Left to Right: Nikolai Guryevich Tolmachev, Aleksandr Beloborodov (Vaysbart), Georgiy Safarov, Filipp Isayevich Goloshchyokin (Isay Isaakovich Goloshchyokin).

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The above were responsible for the slaughter of the Nicholas II and his family at Yekaterinburg. All the assassins were directly connected to the Jewish leaders of the Soviet Bolshevik regime, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, Yakov Sverdlov, Moisey Uritsky, Leon Trotsky, Grigory Zinoviev, and Felix Dzerzhinsky.


The tallest of the assassins, A. Beloborodov, stands behind Lev Trotsky. To the left of Trotsky is Karl Berngardovich Radek. After the February Revolution (1917) Beloborodov (his real last name is Vaysbart), was a close confidant of Trotsky. He was elected to the District Committee of the Ural and in the Russian Constituent Assembly. From January 1918 Beloborodov was the party leader of the Red Ural. In this capacity, he was responsible for the organization and execution of the Tsar family’s murder with Yakov Yurovskiy.


Filipp Goloshchyokin (Isay Isaakovich Goloshchyokin; he is also often referred to as Shaya Goloshchekin (Шая) by the diminutive from the name Isay in Yiddish. Filipp is his party cryptonym), Alexander Beloborodov (Vaysbart), Yakov Yurovskiy.  They were responsible for taking part in the murder of the Romanov family and the Alapayevsk Romanovs.

On July 18, 1918, eight prisoners were taken from the town to an abandoned mine situated at the Nizhnyaya Selimskaya mining site. Using an axe’s blunt end the heads of each of the victims was struck a mortal blow and the corpses tossed into the mine. The shaft was then pelted with grenades, later hidden by poles, logs and afterwards sprinkled with earth.


During the investigation on October 10, 1918, alongside the bodies of the dead, along with other objects, the alleged murder weapon was found, a ‘wide axe with also a short axe’.

1-47-768x501 (1)

When later the bodies were removed, it was realised that some of the victims died almost instantly, while others survived after the fall, later dying of hunger and wounds. Thus, the wound on the head of Prince Ioann, who fell to the ledge of the mine near the Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna, was tied with a part of her monastic headscarf, an apostolnik or epimandylion. Prince Vladimir Paley’s body was found in a sitting position.


Nearby peasants told each other that for several days the singing of prayers came from the mine. The participant of the murder recalls that after the first grenade was thrown into the mine, the Troparion to the Cross was heard: “Save, O Lord, your people, and Bless Your Heritage, Granting us Victory for resistance, and Your Life, keeping with Your Cross.”


The decision to execute the Alapayevsk exiles was taken by the Bolshevik Party of Alapayevsk independently, without the sanction of the Ural of the regional committee of the RCP (B) and the Ural of the regional council.

However, from the interrogation of Chekist Pyotr Konstantinovich Startsev, who participated in the murder, it follows that ‘the murder of the August prisoners was on the order from Ekaterinburg, that Georgiy Safarov came especially from there to lead them.”


September 28, 1918, the Red Army was ousted from Alapaevsk by the White Armies of Admiral A. V. Kolchak. An immediate investigation into the fate of the Romanovs was ordered.

October 6, 1918 prosecutor N. I. Ostroumov, commander of the Tobolsk Regiment, who participated in the capture of Alapayevsk, said that according to his information the prisoners were taken from the city and thrown alive into the mine following which their killers hurled hand-grenades.

The order to find the bodies of the murdered princes was given to senior police officer T.P. Malshikov. The discovered shaft was 28 arshins (19.9m) deep. Its walls were clad with planks. Searches were started in the vicinity of Sinyachikhinsky shaft and mine.

On October 19 (October 20 in other sources), 1918, the cap of one of the grand dukes was discovered. Over the following four days, the bodies were consecutively removed from the mine.

At various depths in the shaft, senior police officer T. Malshikov found bodies:

(October 20 in the 20th and 21st centuries, this day corresponds to the October 7th of the Julian calendar).

  • October 21, Feodor Semyonovich Remez.
  • October 22, Varvara Yakovleva and Prince Paley,
  • October 23, Princes Konstantin Konstantinovich, Igor Konstantinovich and the Grand Duke Serge Mikhailovich,
  • October 24, the Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna and Prince Ioann Konstantinovich.

The fingers of the right hands of Elizabeth Fedorovna, the nun Varvara and Prince Ioann Konstantinovich were folded in the sign of the Cross. On the breast of the Grand Duchess, Elizabeth Feodorovna was discovered an icon of Jesus Christ, strewn with precious stones.

The body of Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna, despite the fact that all the bodies were in the mine for several months, was found completely imperishable; On the face of the Grand Duchess the expression of a smile was preserved, the right hand was cross-shaped, as if in a blessing.

After the autopsy, the corpses were washed, dressed and placed in caskets. These coffins were placed in the Cemetery Church of Alapaevsk, and there were performed memorial services. On October 31, a cathedral of 13 priests attended a funeral vigil at the place of the coffins.

The next day on November 1, a crowded procession from the Holy Trinity Cathedral of Alapaevsk arrived at the church. They served a requiem, and then carried coffins to the cathedral. Afterwards, the funeral of the deceased was performed. The bodies were then placed in a crypt, arranged in the southern side of the altar of the Holy Trinity Cathedral.


In the photo on the right below there is a crypt.


The crypt where the coffins were located with the bodies of the Alapaevsk martyrs before the arrival of the Bolshevik Red Army.

During the Bolshevik Red Army offensive in June 1919, it was decided to remove the remains of the Romanov victims from the city of Alapayevsk.

The train carrying the coffins and remains of the Romanov family arrived in Chita on 30 August 1919. The caskets were then transported to Bogoroditsky (Pokrovsky) Convent. There, the remains of the martyred family were placed under the floor a monastic cell.


Bogoroditsky Monastery in Chita or Holy Protection convent.

On March 5, 1920, at the direction of General Mikhail Diterikhs and with the support of Ataman Semenov, the Romanov coffins were taken from Chita and sent to China.

April 16, 1920, at the railway station in Beijing, the coffins were greeted and moved to the church of Seraphim of Sarov. After the funeral service, eight coffins were sealed with the hallmarks of the Russian spiritual mission and placed in one of the crypts in the territory of the cemetery.


Abbot Hegumen Seraphim (Kuznetsov)

In November of 1920, two coffins holding the precious relics of the Grand Duchess Elizaveta Fyodorovna and the nun Varvara were taken from the crypt and brought to Jerusalem. The remaining six coffins remained in the chapel’s crypt on the mission’s cemetery.

The caskets with the holy relics of Saint Elizabeth and Barbara were later exhumed and sent from Beijing to Tianjin on November 17/30, 1920, departing November 18 by steamship and arriving in Shanghai November 21. The coffins departed Shanghai on December 2/15 by sea and arrived in Jerusalem on January 15/28, 1921. There was to become the martyrs’ final resting place in the crypt at the Church of St Mary Magdalene on the Mount of Olives on Sunday, January 17/30.

Церковь Марии Магдалины 2

Temple of St. Mary Magdalene in Gethsemane in Jerusalem

The monastery church houses pieces of the relics of Holy New Martyrs Elizabeth and Barbara and Holy New Hieromartyr Sergii (Srebrianskii) brought from Jerusalem.

The monastery houses pieces of the relics of Holy New Martyrs Elizabeth and Barbara and Holy New Hieromartyr Sergii (Srebrianskii) brought from Jerusalem.

Рака с мощами преподобномученицы Великой княгини Елизаветы Федоровны

The reliquary of St. Elizabeth in the Church of Mary Magdalene is a Russian Orthodox Church located on the Mount of Olives, near the Garden of Gethsemane in Jerusalem.


The tombs of Prince Ioann Konstantinovich, Grand Duke Sergei Mikhailovich, Prince Konstantin Konstantinovich, in the crypt of All Holy Martyrs Church situated in Beijing.

Following the 1938 Japanese occupation of China and the change in political conditions the 20th mission chief, Archbishop Viktor (Svyatin) managed to obtain the permission of Beijing authorities to transfer the six coffins to the crypt of All Holy Martyrs Church, located in the cemetery of the RSMC territory.

According to Archbishop Viktor’s sister’s testimony, written down by her daughter, Xenia Kepping, in 1947 it was ordered by Soviet authorities to transport the coffins with the Alapayevsk martyrs’ remains back to the territory of the mission cemetery and then place them in St. Seraphim Chapel’s crypt.

During the so-called Great Cultural Revolution of 1966-1976, the Russian cemetery was subject to violations and destruction. Finally, by a decision of Beijing’s municipal authorities in 1987, the Russian church and cemetery was totally destroyed and the ground levelled.

However, of the many eyewitnesses of those events were sought, not a single oral or written account states that the coffins of the Alapayevsk martyrs were destroyed during this government vandalism.

In 1981, her Imperial Highness Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna, Nun Barbara (Yakovleva), Grand Duke Sergei Mikhailovich, Princes Ioann Konstantinovich, Konstantin Konstantinovich, Igor Konstantinovich and Vladimir Pavlovich Paley were glorified by the Russian Church Abroad. Elizabeth and Barbara were glorified by Moscow Patriarchate in 1992. Grand Duke Sergei’s secretary, Fyodor Remez, was not included in the glorification by either of the churches.


Recommended books Trotsky’s White Negroes and Slaughter of a Dynasty by Michael Walsh

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Remains found in Dublin adds intrigue to search for Robert Emmet’s grave

Voice Of EU



Skeletal remains have been found at one of the locations identified as a possible last resting place of Robert Emmet who was executed on this day in 1803.

The remains were found during an excavation at the back of St Paul’s Church in Stoneybatter in Dublin.

The disappearance of the body of Robert Emmet is one of the great mysteries of Irish history.

Emmet was tried and then hanged for instigating the ill-fated 1803 rebellion. He became a symbol of Irish martyrdom for his speech from the dock in which he concluded: “Let them and me rest in obscurity and peace, and my name remain uninscribed, until other times and other men can do justice to my character. When my country takes her place among the nations of the earth, then, and not till then, let my epitaph be written.”

After he was publicly hanged outside St Catherine’s Church in Thomas Street on September 20th, 1803, his head was displayed to the crowd by the hangman Thomas Galvin. The remains of Emmet’s body was taken to Bully’s Acre in the grounds of what is now the Royal Hospital Kilmainham and buried there.

When some of his friends went to reintern his remains from Bully’s Acre to St Michan’s Church in Church Street, a church associated with the United Irishmen, they found there was no body there, and so began a search which endures to this day.

Robert Emmet was publicly hanged outside St Catherine’s Church in Thomas Street on September 20th, 1803.
Robert Emmet was publicly hanged outside St Catherine’s Church in Thomas Street on September 20th, 1803.

His great-nephew Dr Thomas Addis Emmet requested an archaeological dig at the family vault in St Peter’s Church in Aungier Street to mark the centenary of Emmet’s death in 1903, but that proved to be unsuccessful.


St Paul’s Church is another contender in the saga of Emmet’s remains. It was the parish church of Kilmainham Gaol’s doctor and effective governor Dr Edward Trevor.

In his book In the Footsteps of Robert Emmet, JJ Reynolds speculated that Trevor removed Emmet’s body and put it in an unmarked grave in the grounds of St Paul’s Church. This was to ensure that his grave would not become a shrine for Irish nationalism.

The church, which was the venue for the consecration of the philosopher George Berkeley as Bishop of Cloyne in 1734, has been converted into the Spade Enterprise Centre, a not-for-profit social enterprise unit.

The land where the skeletal remains were found is being turned into a shared kitchen for small business enterprises in the area.

The yard at the the back of St Paul’s Church in Stoneybatter, Dublin where skeletal remains were found.
The yard at the the back of St Paul’s Church in Stoneybatter, Dublin where skeletal remains were found.

Archaeologist Franc Miles said burials in the grounds were from 1702 to the 1860s. A extant set of burial records remain, but Emmet, if he really is buried there, would have no record.

Previous exhumations were carried out when the graveyard was closed in 1860s to make way for a school on the site.

“With all the evacuations, we were left with bits and pieces of body. There weren’t many full skeletons,” he said.

Mr Miles said it all the gravemarkers and stones were removed in the 1860s “so all you are left with really are bones.”

Mr Miles said it would be difficult if not impossible to identify Emmet’s remains even if they are buried in the grounds of St Paul’s Church.

His own “educated guess” is that Emmet’s body is still buried somewhere in Bully’s Acre.

As many of his supporters have said over the last two centuries: “Do not look for him. His grave is Ireland.”

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How the cost of renting an apartment in Copenhagen compares to other cities in Denmark

Voice Of EU



With the arguable exception of second city Aarhus, Copenhagen is significantly more expensive to rent housing than anywhere else in Denmark.

But the extra cost in the capital depends on where else in Denmark you compare with, as well as the type of housing you rent.

Private or general housing?

First, it is important to note the difference between the two main types of rental housing in Denmark: private rentals and almene boliger (literally, ‘general housing’), a form of subsidised housing.

For almene boliger, local municipalities put up 10 percent of building costs and in return have the right to decide who is allocated one in four available apartments, enabling them to provide housing to municipal residents who need it. The housing therefore plays a role in the social housing provision.

This type of housing is normally managed by a boligforening or housing association. Rent goes towards costs of running the housing and to pay off the housing association’s loans, which means property owners aren’t profiting from rents and prices are controlled.

Aside from housing assigned by the municipality, almene boliger are open for anyone. However, to get one, you must get to the top of a waiting list, which you join by signing up with associations which operate housing in the city where you live (or want to live).

In Copenhagen or Aarhus, it can take years to get to the top of these lists, while in smaller cities you might get an offer in weeks or even days.

As such, many newcomers to Denmark must turn to the private rental market if they are living in one of the main cities.

READ ALSO: Deposits, complaints and registration: Five key things to know about renting in Denmark

Private housing: Copenhagen clearly pricier 

A study conducted by housing research centre Bolius in November 2020 found the cost of a 56 square-metre apartment in Copenhagen’s Nørrebro district to be 8,536 kroner per month.

The study, which was based on data from 2019 and 2020 from rental platforms and, shows the average monthly cost of non-limited private apartments on Nørrebro, compared with 16 other locations in Denmark.

The cost takes into account the cost of a deposit (normally three months’ rent) and adds it to the average cost of renting the housing for five years (thereby assuming none of the deposit is returned to the tenant).

In comparison to the price in Nørrebro, the study found rent in Hillerød north of Copenhagen to be slightly less (8,218 kroner) for a slightly larger apartment (65 square metres).

Moving further out from Copenhagen, costs begin to drop even more.

In Kalundborg on the west coast of Zealand, you can rent a 71-square-metre flat for 5,167 kroner per month. Næstved, a commuter town between Copenhagen and the Great Belt Bridge, comes in at 6,039 kroner for an apartment at 72 square metres.

The cheaper rents are consistent further to the west, exemplified in Jutland cities Aalborg (5,544 kroner for 62 square metres), Vejle (6.696 kroner for 84 square metres) and Esbjerg (4,399 kroner for 54 square metres).

Although Aarhus is not included in the study, third-largest city Odense is. Here, there is still a significant saving on Copenhagen, with 8,488 kroner, a similar rent to that in Nørrebro, getting you an apartment over 50 percent bigger at 82 square metres.

General (almene) housing: closer, but still higher in Greater Copenhagen

Rent prices for almene or subsidised housing were most recently analysed in a 2020 report by Landsbyggefonden (National Building Foundation), a support institution for the social housing sector.

According to that report, the rent for family housing (meaning housing not reserved for students or seniors) is “on average, approximately 100-200 kroner per square metre higher [per year, ed.] east of the Great Belt Bridge than west of it”.

Of the five administrative regions, average rent for family subsidised housing is highest in Greater Copenhagen at 906 kroner per square metre for a year’s rent.

The lowest rents can be found in South Denmark, where the yearly cost is 722 kroner per square metre.

Zealand is the region that comes closest to Copenhagen on the costs for this type of regular housing. Here, tenants can expect to pay 859 kroner per square metre in a year. The equivalent costs in Central Jutland and North Jutland and 778 kroner and 747 kroner respectively.

The study also places Greater Copenhagen as the most expensive region when rents are presented as the median monthly rent for family housing.

Here, the median values are split into five categories based on apartment size, with Copenhagen coming out as the most expensive region for each category.

For example, the median monthly rents for apartments between 50-60 square metres are as follows: 5,039 kroner (Greater Copenhagen); 4,913 kroner (Zealand); 4,541 kroner (Central Jutland); 4,388 kroner (North Jutland); 4,236 kroner (South Denmark). The national average is 4,667 kroner.

Sources: Domea, Bolius, Landsbyggefonden

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Officials pushed for State to buy direct provision centres from private firms

Voice Of EU



The Government should buy a number of privately-owned direct provision centres as a “priority” as it would be more “cost effective” for the State to run the facilities for asylum seekers, international protection officials have said.

The savings arising from owning the accommodation centres rather than paying private contractors to do so “could be considerable”, departmental briefing documents provided to Minister for Children and Integration Roderic O’Gorman last year state.

The vast majority of direct provision centres are currently owned and run by private companies, with accommodation providers having received some €1.6 billion since 1999, including €183 million last year.

The latest figures show some 7,150 people are in the system of seven State-owned sites and 39 private centres. A further 24 commercially-owned premises are being used to provide emergency accommodation for asylum seekers.

The briefing document, released to The Irish Times under the Freedom of Information Act, says that housing people seeking asylum in State-owned centres would provide the “best protection from the vulnerability of present market reliance”.

“They are also much more cost efficient to run, and the State owns the asset,” it notes.

The document suggested that State centres should aim to accommodate 5,000 people, and “allowing the private sector to supply the rest is regarded as an achievable and reasonable target”.

The purchase of existing centres from private providers “to immediately boost the State’s footprint in this area should be considered as a priority,” the internal document said.

“Some service providers may be open to this and the market appears to be favourable at present,” it said.

The internal briefing suggested the department could then seek private companies or NGOs to run the centres, which would be a “competitive cost option”.

‘Badly needed’

Ongoing maintenance for centres owned by the State was also “badly needed,” as current pressures on the Office of Public Works (OPW) meant it was not possible “for immediate repairs to be done if required”.

“In exploring the model of more State centres, we need to agree and acquire a capital budget,” the briefing stated.

“State land does not require planning permission for new centres as the Minister has a power under the Acts, whereby the OPW can grant the planning permission and this is usually a three-month process. It is not subject to appeal.”

The document says that State centres “can also have a bigger footprint as it will be a permanent fixture in the locality”. In recent years a number of plans for private providers to open direct provision centres in regional towns have been met with protests from locals and anti-immigration activists.

Mr O’Gorman’s department has sought to reform the direct provision system and is seeking to replace the network of centres with a new system of accommodation and supports by the end of 2024.

New centres

A department spokesman confirmed the State has not bought any new centres since the briefing note was written. The spokesman said under the planned overhaul of direct provision, asylum-seekers who arrived into the country would initially be housed in a number of reception and integration centres.

Asylum-seekers will spend a maximum of four months in the reception centres before moving into housing secured through Approved Housing Bodies.

“These centres will be State-owned and purpose built to provide suitable accommodation for approximately 2,000 people at any one time, to cater for the flow-through of the 3,500 applicants over a 12-month period,” he said.

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