The symbol of an eagle devouring a snake is familiar from Mexico’s national flag, but at this rally it sits on a version that is bright orange, bearing the legend Movimiento del norte (Movement of the north). Standing next to the poster, five candidates declare what makes northern Mexico different to the rest of the country.
We are standing on the terrace of a convention center in San Pedro Garza García, an upscale area of Mexico’s third-largest city, Monterrey, from where a row of skyscrapers stretches into the horizon. This area is the richest in Latin America, according to the credit rating agency Fitch, with a GDP per capita of US$90,000 from figures published in 2019.
”We will never allow those in the center [of the country] to mistreat us, for those in the center to tell us what to do, and we will certainly not allow them to interfere with our land,” said Samuel García, a gubernatorial candidate for the state of Nuevo Léon, a powerhouse of the Mexican economy. At 33, García is a key face in Movimiento Ciudadano (Citizens’ Movement), which has spent the last decade trying to break apart Mexico’s traditional party system. His wife is the popular influencer and businesswoman Mariana Rodríguez, pushing his message on social media and making him a minor sensation ahead of June 6 legislative elections. Half of the country’s governorships, its parliament and thousands of local officials will be elected.
Although García has made a splash, his success also has much to do with revelations that Clara Luz Flores, the candidate of the ruling National Regeneration Movement (Morena), was caught on video speaking to the leader of the NXIVM sect, Keith Raniere, five years ago. Raniere was sentenced last year to 120 years in jail on charges of racketeering, sex trafficking and child pornography offenses. She had always denied the conversation ever took place, and the release of the tape caused her popularity to nosedive after leading the polls for weeks.
Flores was previously a member of the opposition Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), but broke with the formation after Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador reached out to offer her the nomination, noting her success as the former mayor of General Escobedo, also in the Monterrey metropolitan area.
Nuevo León state contributes the most to Mexico’s GDP after Mexico City, but the president has long been seen as distant and cold towards the north. This, combined with the cult leader scandal means that Morena’s chances now seem slim in Nuevo Léon. It is not the only border state haemorrhaging support for the ruling party. In the state of Sonora, in northwest Mexico, a local Movimiento Ciudadano candidate was recently murdered in a hail of gunfire. The death opened a conversation about electoral violence that threatens the once assured candidacy of Alfonso Durazo, a former security minister in the current government. Opinion polls in Chihuahua, a third border state in contention, do not show a convincing victory for the ruling party, leaving Baja California the only northern state that Morena seems certain to win.
”Today, Movimiento Ciudadano is becoming the pre-eminent political force in Nuevo León. We have an irreversible lead,” said Clemente Castañeda, the party’s leader, referring to García and Luis Donaldo Colosio, the party’s mayoral candidate for Monterrey. These claims remain to be seen, as the PRI, headed by Adrián de la Garza, remains a force to be reckoned with. Movimiento Ciudadano, which only governs in Jalisco state, lacks the grassroots structures of the older opposition group. Meanwhile, both De la Garza and García are being investigated by the Attorney General’s office for separate alleged offenses. De la Garza is accused of vote buying, while García allegedly received illicit contributions to his campaign. Whoever may win the north, what is clear is that regionalism has become a hot-button issue, and it works in both directions. While voters in border states may feel that Mexico City and López Obrador have turned their backs on them, those from further south sometimes see the north as offering an alternative to the lure of the capital.
Elber Martínez was born in the central state of Hidalgo 30 years ago. He tried to find a job in Mexico City at the end of 2019, but failed to do so and moved to Monterrey instead. Within two days he had found a job as a substitute teacher for third grade children, and is now finishing his studies while also working as a waiter. “This is the best of Mexico. It’s either here or the United States,” said Martínez. He cannot vote as he is still registered back home, but if he had the option his ballot would be cast for García, he said, owing to his image as a reform candidate who understands young people.
López Obrador has not yet reached the halfway point of his six-year term but he has succeeded in becoming the center of all political attention
Just as the north drifts away from the rest of the country, Morena has redoubled its popularity elsewhere. Even a rape accusation did not stop a ruling party candidate in Guerrero state from receiving the president’s full backing and maintaining his popularity. He was later disqualified from running on other grounds. That said, the hypothetical triumph of Movimiento Ciudadano in Nuevo León would have an impact on a national scale, as a major secondary opposition looming over the remainder of the current government’s term. If PRI achieves victory with Adrián de la Garza, however, he would become the de facto leader of a disjointed opposition without some of the figures who have made the president’s life difficult since being elected in 2018.
López Obrador has not yet reached the halfway point of his six-year term but he has succeeded in becoming the center of all political attention, and free to set the agenda. From the pulpit of his morning press conferences, the president has always delivered a vision of a Mexico divided into “conservative party” adversaries, used to describe all critical voices, and his allies. To the list of conservatives can now be added northern Mexico. “I hope Morena wins absolutely nothing here to send the message that the north has woken up,” said García.
The bickering between Mexico City and the north is also on full display in the border state of Tamaulipas, where the national leader of the ruling party was intimidated by an armed group in the city of Matamoros. Federal and state authorities have clashed over the fate of Tamaulipas governor Francisco García Cabeza de Vaca, a member of the opposition National Action Party (PAN). García Cabeza de Vaca was stripped of his official immunity from prosecution weeks ago by Mexico’s parliament so that the Attorney General’s Office could proceed with an investigation into an alleged money laundering scandal. The Tamaulipas state legislature responded by rejecting that decision until a judge ordered his arrest. That decision was then suspended by another judge. The PAN describes the investigation of the governor as political persecution, while the president has urged the judicial system to resolve the case as soon as possible.
The accusations center on whether Cabeza de Vaca amassed undeclared properties in Mexico and the United States, and despite evidence gathered by the Mexican authorities, other opposition parties have also rejected the investigation as “political lynching orchestrated by the government.” For Mexico’s president, however, it’s another case of corruption of the kind he was elected to root out.
Last year, 2020, saw seismic energy policy shifts across the industry. The global gas-market remains bearish and extraordinarily oversupplied, with gas prices seeing increasing downward pressure and volatility. Whereas, in the face of global turmoil, the offshore wind power industry continues to thrive.
The unprecedented year of new offshore wind farm installations resulted in a total of over 35 GW capacity operating across the globe by the end of 2020.
From the long-term perspective, the Ocean Renewable Energy Action Coalition (OREAC) has set a goal of 1,400 GW by 2050, which means an accelerated pace of global roll-out of offshore wind generation projects.
On 14 July, the European Commission unveiled its long-awaited ‘Fit for 55’ package, seeking to overhaul EU regulation that lines up with the bloc’s target of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 55 percent by 2030. This involves a new 2030 renewable energy goal. According to the latest European Commission’s impact assessment it ought to be at least 38-40 percent, in place of the current 32 percent renewables target.
That means that the EU requires 433-452 GW of wind energy capacity by 2030 – a threefold increase on the 179 GW installed today.
Wind power will be the principal delivering technology of the Green Deal in the European Commission’s strategic long-term vision for climate-neutral economy.
Hitting the bloc’s decarbonisation goal will require a 25-fold increase in offshore wind capacity. And an even bigger build-up in the number of new onshore wind capacity.
Industry can deliver the volumes pending a robust EU industrial renewables policy that guarantees that such a grand huge wind power expansion is made in Europe and that the industry is cost-competitive both within and outside the EU.
Technology is not the main barrier to the deployment of wind energy needed for the Green Deal however.
The European energy market is quite complex, serving millions of households and business round the clock. Presently, there are no market mechanisms for offshore grid development projects to be bankable. Countries have diverse capital programmes and market operation rules which hinder investment flows in offshore hybrid projects from being discharged.
The vagueness on future market design and revenues for offshore wind farms prevents the process of an integrated offshore grid deployment.
Today, Europe invests about €40bn a year on grids, which is not enough. In order to expand and optimise Europe grid infrastructure. annual investments in grid infrastructure shall go up to €66-80bn per year over the next 30 years.
Efforts will be needed at offering clarity via regulatory changes to the EU Electricity Regulation, particularly it shall be better addressed how offshore wind projects will be dealt with when it comes to congestion income distribution and cross-border capacity allocation.
The benefits of an accelerated development will be substantial. The EU wind energy sector generates €37bn to EU GDP, operates 248 factories across the EU, and each new wind turbine installed in Europe would contribute €10m of economic activity.
Offshore wind energy is one of the most promising and cost-competitive source of power generation in Europe.
But present policies will not deliver these numbers – neither on volumes, nor on economic benefits. Higher goals are necessary but not sufficient.
Europe requires stronger delivery, monitoring, and enforcement mechanisms to make sure that 2030 is a stepping stone towards a climate-neutral energy system.
Despite high overall rates of vaccinations in the US, more and more Americans are getting infected with the new, rapidly spreading ‘delta’ variant of the coronavirus, once again testing the limits of hospitals and reportedly sparking talks about new mask-up orders from authorities.
The rapidly increasing number of new COVID-19 cases in the US caused by the more infectious delta strain of the virus is frustrating the Biden administration, as the problem draws attention and resources away from other priorities that the White House would like to concentrate on, the Washington Post reported, citing several anonymous sources. Among the problems that the administration reportedly had to de-prioritise are Biden’s infrastructure initiatives, voting rights, an overhaul of policing, gun control and immigration.
The White House reportedly hoped that the pandemic would be gradually ebbing by this time, allowing it to focus more on other presidential plans. Instead, the Biden administration is growing “anxious” about the growing number of daily COVID-19 cases, the newspaper sources said. The White House press secretary indirectly confirmed that Biden is currently preoccupied with the pandemic the most.
“Getting the pandemic under control [and] protecting Americans from the spread of the virus has been [and] continues to be his number-one priority. It will continue to be his priority moving forward. There’s no question,” Press Secretary Jen Psaki said on 22 July.
The administration had reportedly expected new outbreaks in the country, but not as many as they’re seeing. Current analytical models predict anything between a few thousand new cases and 200,000 new infected daily, the Washington Post reported. Washington also fears that daily deaths might reach over 700 per day, up from the current average of 250. However, the White House doesn’t expect the pandemic numbers to return to their 2020 peak levels.
At the same time, the Biden administration is trying to find scapegoats to blame for the current shortcomings in fighting the coronavirus pandemic in the country. Namely, Biden last week accused the social media platform of failing to combat the spread of disinformation on COVID-19 and thus “killing people”. The statement raised many eyebrows since many platforms mark COVID-related posts and insert links to reliable sources of information regarding the disease and the vaccination efforts aimed at fighting it. The White House also hinted that the Republican-controlled states became the main sources of new COVID cases, while often underperforming in terms of vaccination rates.
Sierra Leone has become the latest African state to abolish the death penalty after MPs voted unanimously to abandon the punishment.
On Friday the west African state became the 23rd country on the continent to end capital punishment, which is largely a legacy of colonial legal codes. In April, Malawi ruled that the death penalty was unconstitutional, while Chad abolished it in 2020. In 2019, the African human rights court ruled that mandatory imposition of the death penalty by Tanzania was “patently unfair”.
Of those countries that retain the death penalty on their statute books, 17 are abolitionist in practice, according to Amnesty International.
A de facto moratorium on the use of the death penalty has existed in Sierra Leone since 1998, after the country controversially executed 24 soldiers for their alleged involvement in a coup attempt the year before.
Under Sierra Leone’s 1991 constitution, the death penalty could be prescribed for murder, aggravated robbery, mutiny and treason.
Last year, Sierra Leone handed down 39 death sentences, compared with 21 in 2019, according to Amnesty, and 94 people were on death row in the country at the end of last year.
Rhiannon Davis, director of the women’s rights group AdvocAid, said: “It’s a huge step forward for this fundamental human right in Sierra Leone.
“This government, and previous governments, haven’t chosen to [put convicts to death since 1998], but the next government might have taken a different view,” she said.
“They [prisoners] spend their life on death row, which in effect is a form of torture as you have been given a death sentence that will not be carried out because of the moratorium, but you constantly have this threat over you as there’s nothing in law to stop that sentence being carried out.”
Davis said the abolition would be particularly beneficial to women and girls accused of murdering an abuser.
“Previously, the death penalty was mandatory in Sierra Leone, meaning a judge could not take into account any mitigating circumstances, such as gender-based violence,” she said.
Umaru Napoleon Koroma, deputy minister of justice, who has been involved in the abolition efforts, said sentencing people on death row to “life imprisonment with the possibility of them reforming is the way to go”.
Across sub-Saharan Africa last year Amnesty researchers recorded a 36% drop in executions compared with 2019 – from 25 to 16. Executions were carried out in Botswana, Somalia and South Sudan.