“To see and not to speak would be the great betrayal,” said Enoch Powell. Worse is to see, to know, to speak, and then act destructively anyway. Angela Merkel, White Renegade of the Year 2015, did this when she welcomed a massive migrant flow into Europe years after declaring multiculturalism was a failure. Yet this year’s renegade has less excuse. He clearly warned of the consequences of mass immigration, but still pushes catastrophic policies on his people—even in the face of failure and furious opposition. This year’s White Renegade of the Year is the president of the French Republic, Emmanuel Macron.
President Macron won election in 2017 thanks to a quirk of the electoral system. In a runoff against the nationalist Marine Le Pen and her National Front, he won a commanding 66 percent of the vote, compared to about 34 percent for Mrs. Le-Pen. Many voters were motivated not by Mr. Macron’s positive vision, but by a desire to stop the National Front. A relatively large number of voters abstained in the second round and almost ten percent turned in blank ballots in protest. Mr. Macron acknowledged many had not voted for him out of agreement, but “simply to defend the Republic”—thus implicitly banishing Marine Le Pen and her supporters from republican legitimacy.
Still, Mr. Macron surprised some critics in his early months. He seemed different from the typical liberal politician. Early on, he became friends with President Donald Trump, who appeared far more comfortable with President Macron than with Chancellor Merkel. President Macron mused about the vacuum in French politics created by the absence of monarchy, and the need for strong personal leadership. Though this led to some criticism, President Macron also tried to restore dignity both to his office and politics generally, notably scolding a youth for addressing him by an informal nickname.
More importantly, President Macron spoke seriously about the problems of mass immigration and overpopulation in the Third World. He shocked journalists by dismissing a suggestion that a “Marshall Plan for Africa” would do any good, and said one of the “essential challenges” was Africa’s high birthrate. Accusations of colonialism, imperialism, and of course racism came from all quarters, including the supposed conservatives at National Review. President Macron defended the distinction between economic migrants and asylum seekers, and even cracked down on immigration in ways that some journalists called “brutal.”
President Macron shepherded a bill through the legislature that expedited deportation of failed asylum seekers. It was condemned by some nationalists as not strong enough, but it was still a defense of French sovereignty. Finally, President Macron spoke about the need for Europe to develop a coordinated approach to refugees, saying in an interview that had such an approach existed years ago, “we would never have had to deal with that first route from the Balkans that allowed millions of refugees to come to Europe.”
President Macron thus identified the policy that could save the European Union. President Macron is one of the EU’s greatest defenders and even played the European anthem, “Ode to Joy,” after his election victory. Many journalists have called President Macron a potential “savior of Europe” from nationalism and the “far-right.” Yet the best way for President Macron to do this would be to organize a continent-wide approach to stopping immigration. Steve Sailer has repeatedly argued that the European Union would become more popular if it halted immigration. It would also mean the European Union would be “pro-European” instead of “pro-Syrian, pro-Afghan, and pro-Eritrean.”
One continuing discussion among white advocates is whether an imperial Western empire or a looser union of separate, independent ethnic homelands is better. The current European Union is the worst of both. The EU’s bureaucrats strip sovereignty from European nation-states, repress patriots, and govern like petty tyrants. While embracing all the worst features of empire, they act in ways that are utterly alien from the peoples they govern. It’s like living under a council of diversity coordinators that has the power of Napoleon Bonaparte.
Most white advocates therefore support nationalism and limiting the European Union’s power, if not dismantling it altogether. Yet it did not have to be this way. The most forceful argument for a centralized European Union organized along racial lines came from Sir Oswald Mosley’s postwar concept of “Europe a Nation.” Even some supporters of European populism recognize the advantages of the European Union, including the currency union, free travel, and the possibility of a common defense. Solid majorities in every European nation (except Italy) believe their countries have benefited from membership. Marine Le Pen’s call to withdraw from the monetary union was supported by only a minority of French voters and probably hurt her chances in the election. Populism is a growing force and nationalism is far from dead, but Europeans generally do not want to leave the EU, whatever true nationalists think about it.
The union’s current approach to immigration is deeply cynical, with nations trying to pawn off unwanted migrants on each other while they talk piously about collective responsibilities. Instead of forming a community of common interests, the European Union’s courts are trying to force states like Hungary or Slovakia to swallow hundreds of thousands of unwanted aliens.
Of course, these migrants wouldn’t be in Europe were it not for Angela Merkel’s unilateral decision to put out the welcome mat for Third World refugees or the decision by several Western governments to overthrow Muammar Gaddafi. As it now operates, the European Union is a civilizational suicide pact. Yet most Europeans, even Eastern Europeans, grumble and put up with it because they don’t want to lose the benefits of membership.
Thus, there was a real opening for Emmanuel Macron if he was serious about reforming the Union. With common sense border-control and a collective approach to stopping migration, President Macron could have turned the EU into a civilizational defense pact. Such an approach would have meant President Macron could have credibly pushed for greater European centralization and even a European army—perhaps fulfilling his quasi-imperial pretensions. It would also have co-opted much of the support for populist, anti-immigrant political parties.
President Macron did not do this. Instead, he appointed himself the successor to Angela Merkel. The turning point seems to have been the Italian elections in March, in which anti-immigration populists triumphed and eventually formed an anti-establishment government. Initially, President Macron acknowledged that Italian frustration over immigration was justified and partly explained the results. Of course, President Macron bears some responsibility for the results himself because he angered Italian authorities in 2017 by refusing to take migrants off their hands. Unfortunately, rather than being chastened by the election, President Macron hardened his opposition against Europe’s populists, particularly the governments of Italy and Hungary.
In so doing, President Macron may have been following the advice of elite journalists who called him a champion of “European values,” if not European people. After the Italian elections, the Washington Post’s editorial board urged him—ludicrously—to ”rescue democracy.” In April, in a speech to the US Congress, President Macron attacked “isolationism, withdrawal, and nationalism.”
In June, Mr. Macron picked a fight with the Italian government: After Italy prevented an NGO’s ship from landing migrants in the country, President Macron raged against “cynicism and irresponsibility,” and a spokesman for his party said the policy “makes me vomit.” Italy’s prime minister accurately retorted that France had not met its own immigration obligations. Mr. Macron backed down, claiming he didn’t mean to offend the Italians. European leaders, including Mr. Macron and Prime Minister Conte of Italy then signed an immigration agreement, though the exact terms were vague.
Despite this brief peace, in June, President Macron called himself the “main opponent” of nationalist leaders Prime Minister Viktor Orban of Hungary and Interior Minister Matteo Salvini of Italy—the two most prominent Europeans who speak for the West. “It is clear that today a strong opposition is building up between nationalists and progressives and I will yield nothing to nationalists and those who advocate hate speech,” he said in August. The next month, he threatened to withhold funding from countries that would not accept migrants. This was astonishing since France is regularly criticized for refusing to accept refugees and for dumping them on Italy. Indeed, that same month, Italian witnesses claim French police drove black men across the border in a van and released them into the woods.
In September, President Macron’s quest to restore gravitas to his office suffered a blow when he was photographed a with two young black men in Saint-Martin. One of the men is shirtless and giving the camera the middle finger. This makes his lecture to a young Frenchmen about respect seem ridiculous. President Macron refused to apologize, even taking the opportunity to attack Marine Le Pen in self-righteous terms. “I love all of the republic’s children, whatever their past troubles,” he said, referring to the young man’s run-ins with the authorities that the media brought to light. As if on cue, one of the men was reportedly arrested for drug possession and resisting arrest about a year after the photo op.
President Macron is now in open battle with Prime Minister Orban and Interior Minister Salvini. “We’ve accepted this political divide and are organizing around it,” said one French official, adding that the government was in a “logic of combat.” In preparation for the EU elections in May, President Macron met Mark Zuckerberg to set up the first-ever partnership between Facebook and a national government to police “hate speech.” President Macron also insulted President Trump at a Remembrance Day ceremony. “Patriotism is the exact opposite of nationalism; nationalism is a betrayal of patriotism,” he said in what was clearly an open attack. In December, President Macron ended the year by signing the UN Migration Pact, which he called “laudable and desirable.” This action reportedly drew accusations of “treason” from some generals.
Of course, whatever aspirations President Macron may have to being a European or global leader, his biggest problems now are domestic. The “yellow vests” protests against his tax hikes and neoliberal economic policies aren’t stopping, and may bolster his opponents in the upcoming EU elections. While the protesters don’t share a common political program, polls suggest that many are nationalists, and almost all the members of the National Rally (the rebranded National Front) support the movement. Originally, the French government even blamed Marine Le Pen for starting the demonstrations. Some videos show protesters ripping down EU flags.
The French police have responded with notable brutality. Amnesty International claims it “has documented numerous instances of excessive use of force by police.” Le Monde, arguably the most prestigious French newspaper, even likened Mr. Macron to Adolf Hitler (though it later apologized). Yet the mainstream media in the English-speaking world still largely supports President Macron. “Macron’s crisis in France is a danger to all of Europe,” writes Natalie Nougayrede of The Guardian in a typical piece.
The obvious response is, “Which Europe?” The Hungarian and Italian governments are President Macron’s primary foes, yet both are stronger than his administration today. Though Prime Minister Orban’s government is encountering widespread protests in response to economic reforms and the Fidesz party is dropping in the polls, it is still the dominant political party. In Italy, Interior Minister Salvini’s Lega party commands a strong lead over all other parties. Interior Minister Salvini is downplaying his prior opposition to the Euro and is instead creating a broader-based populist movement. If the May EU elections go well, he may even attempt to take control of the Italian government by pulling out of the coalition with the Five Star Movement.
In contrast, a recent poll taken just before Christmas found President Macron is now supported by just 23 percent of voters. For comparison’s sake, even in the midst of a government shutdown and in the face of furious media, President Donald Trump’s approval rating is above 40 percent. According to some polls, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally party is leading President Macron’s party, only five months before the 2019 EU elections. Adding to his political woes, President Macron is also ending the year with a scandal, as a former aide fired for beating a protester admitted he kept using his diplomatic passport.
Despite all of this, President Macron is unlikely to back down. Members of his party have argued that the best way to combat nationalism is to strengthen the European Union. Though the protests have shaken his government, President Macron is far from finished and still enjoys a parliamentary majority. More importantly, though nationalists are gaining strength in both Germany and France, so is the hard Left. There is no sign of a nationalist takeover in either country anytime soon.
Emmanuel Macron is a tragic figure because he could do so much good with even moderate reforms. He could save the European Union he loves so much and defeat the nationalists he so hates. What’s more, his extraordinary comments about Africa suggest he is more aware of the long-term problems facing the world than any other Western leader except Prime Minister Orban.
A Yellow Vest carries a placard reading “President Liar.” (Credit Image: © Alain Pitton/NurPhoto via ZUMA Press)
Yet for all the media excitement about President Macron’s youthful leadership for the EU, his ideas are nothing new. His France is an administrative entity. His European Union is an anti-European bureaucracy dispossessing the indigenous nations, cultures, and peoples. His “democracy,” in league with Mr. Zuckerberg, allows only certain views to be expressed and it attacks demonstrators just as eagerly as “authoritarian” Hungary or Russia. Like Angela Merkel, President Macron is bringing on “preventable evils,” and unlike her, there’s reason to believe he knows it won’t work. He is acting as if he would rather preside over a continent of ashes than the Republic of the French. President Emmanuel Macron is the White Renegade of the Year—and unfortunately, he is just getting started.
Lewis Hamilton wins chaotic Saudi GP to draw level with Max Verstappen
After chaos, needle, misunderstanding and some absolutely uncompromising racing, it took a cool head to prevail and Lewis Hamilton duly delivered, his win at the Saudi Arabian Grand Prix ensuring there is now nothing in it going into the Formula One season finale.
Beating title rival Max Verstappen into second, the pair are now level on points after a race of complexity and confusion fitting perhaps in a season that has been impossible to predict. The two protagonists endured an ill-tempered race and both left with differing views, Hamilton accusing his rival of being dangerous and Verstappen aggrieved. What it made clear is that neither will leave anything on the table next week in Abu Dhabi.
The investigations and debriefs will go on long into the night after this staccato affair interrupted by red flags, safety cars and the two leaders clashing repeatedly on track but ultimately and crucially for his title hopes it was an exhausted Hamilton who came out on top.
Hamilton had gone into the race trailing Verstappen by eight points, they are now level. The lead has changed hands five times during this enthralling season, which has ebbed and flowed between them but of course Hamilton has experience in tense showdowns, pipped to his first title in the last race of 2007 and then sealing it in a nail-biting showdown in Brazil a year later.
Verstappen is in his first title fight but has shown no indication of being intimidated, instead eagerly grasping his chance to finally compete and he still has it all to play for despite his clear disappointment at the result at the Jeddah circuit.
Hamilton admitted how hard the race been. “I’ve been racing a long time and that was incredibly tough,” he said. “I tried to be as sensible and tough as I could be and with all my experience just keeping the car on the track and staying clean. It was difficult. We had all sorts of things thrown at us.”
Hamilton’s race engineer Peter Bonnington credited his man with how he had handled it, noting: “It was the cool head that won out”. It was a necessary skill beyond that of wrestling with this tricky, high speed circuit, given the incidents that defined the race as it swung between the two rivals.
Hamilton held his lead from pole but an early red flag due to a crash left Verstappen out front when Red Bull had opted not to pit under a safety car. Thus far at least it was fairly straightforward.
When racing resumed from a standing start Hamilton, off like a bullet, had the lead into turn one but Verstappen went wide and cut the corner of two to emerge in front. Esteban Ocon took advantage to sneak into second only for the race to be stopped again immediately after several cars crashed in the midfield.
With the race stopped, the FIA race director, Michael Masi, offered Red Bull the chance for Verstappen to be dropped to third behind Hamilton because of the incident, rather than involving the stewards. In unprecedented scenes of negotiations with Masi, Red Bull accepted the offer, conceding Verstappen had to give up the place, with the order now Ocon, Hamilton.
Verstappen launched brilliantly at the restart, dove up the inside to take the lead, while Hamilton swiftly passed Ocon a lap later to move to second.
The front two immediately pulled away with Hamilton sticking to Verstappen’s tail, ferociously quick as they matched one another’s times. Repeated periods of the virtual safety car ensued to deal with debris littering the track and when racing began again on lap 37, Hamilton attempted to pass and was marginally ahead through turn one as both went off but Verstappen held the lead, lighting the touchpaper for the flashpoint.
Verstappen was told by his team to give the place back to Hamilton but when Verstappen slowed apparently looking to do so, Hamilton hit the rear of the Red Bull, damaging his front wing. Mercedes said they were unaware Verstappen was going to slow and the team had not informed Hamilton, who did not know what Verstappen was doing. Hamilton was furious, accusing Verstappen of brake-testing him. Both drivers are under investigation by the stewards for the incident and penalties may yet be applied.
Verstappen then did let Hamilton through but immediately shot back up to retake the lead but in doing so went off the track. He was then given a five-second penalty for leaving the track and gaining an advantage and a lap later Verstappen once more let his rival through, concerned he had not done so sufficiently on the previous lap. After all the chaos, Hamilton finally led and Verstappen’s tyres were wearing, unable to catch the leader who went on to secure a remarkable victory.
It was all too much for Verstappen who left the podium ceremony immediately the anthems concluded. “This sport is more about penalties than racing and for me this is not Formula One,” he said “A lot of things happened, which I don’t fully agree with.”
Both teams had diverging viewpoints on the incidents but both must now look forward. After 21 highly competitive races, the last a febrile, unpredictable drama, the season will be decided in a one-off shootout where both drivers have without doubt earned their place but just when the respect between them appears at its lowest ebb. – Guardian
Covid testing rules for all arrivals into State come into force
New Covid testing rules for travellers arriving into the State have come into force today.
At the start of the week the Government announced that all incoming travellers except those travelling from Northern Ireland will have to present a negative test result in order to enter the country irrespective of the vaccination status.
The move came in response to concerns about the spread of the Omicron variant of Covid-19.
The test requirements were due to be introduced from midnight on Thursday. However the system was postponed at the last minute to midnight on Sunday in order to allow airlines prepare for checks.
For those with proof of vaccination they can show a negative professionally administered antigen test carried out no more than 48 hours before arrrival or a PCR test taken within 72 hours before arrival. Those who are unvaccinated must show a negative PCR test result.
Ryanair’s Michael O’Leary had described the move as “nonsense” and “gobbledygook”.
Meanwhile more than 150 passengers have departed Morocco for Ireland on a repatriation flight organised by the Government.
The 156 passengers on the flight from Marrakech to Dublin included Irish citizens as well as citizens of several other EU countries and the UK.
The journey was organised after flights to and from Morocco were suspended earlier this week until at least December 13th, amid fears over the spread of the new Omicron Covid-19 variant.
The repatriation flight on Saturday was operated on behalf of the Government by Ryanair.
Responding to news of the flight’s departure, Minister for Foreign Affairs Simon Coveney hailed the efforts of the Irish Embassy in Rabat in the operation, tweeting: “Well done and thank you!”.
On Saturday the number of Covid patients in hospital has fallen to 487, the lowest level in almost four weeks, the latest official figures show. The number of Covid patients in hospital fell by 41 between Friday and Saturday. There were 5,622 further cases of Covid-19 reported on Saturday.
Tweeting about the latest hospital figures on Saturday, Tánaiste Leo Varadkar said the “plan is working – 3rd doses, masks, test & isolate, physical distancing. Thank you for what you are doing. Please don’t lose heart. Let’s all have a safe Christmas.”
The figures come as the Government on Friday announced its most wide-ranging introduction of new restrictions this year after “stark” warnings from the National Public Health Emergency Team (Nphet) to take immediate action in the face of the threat from the Omicron variant.
From Tuesday until at least January 9th, indoor hospitality will be limited to parties of up to six adults per table, while nightclubs will be closed and indoor events limited to half a venue’s capacity. Advice has been issued that households should not host more than three other households in their home, while the use of the vaccine pass is to be extended to gyms and hotel bars and restaurants.
Trinity College immunologist Prof Luke O’Neill said the main reason for the new restrictions was the new Omicron variant, and he thought they were needed as the “next three to four weeks are going to be tough”. Speaking to Brendan O’Connor on RTÉ radio, he said it was “strange” that restrictions were being introduced when things are stabilising, with the lowest hospital numbers since November 6th.
Prof O’Neill said he was “hopeful” at news that the Omicron variant may have a piece of the common cold virus in it which could make it more like the common cold.
Divock Origi delivers late delight as Liverpool see off Wolves
Wolves 0 Liverpool 1
Divock Origi’s last-gasp strike sent Liverpool top of the Premier League with a dramatic 1-0 win at Wolves.
The substitute fired in from close range in stoppage time just as it looked like the Reds would fail to score for the first time in eight months.
He spared Diogo Jota’s blushes after the forward hit Conor Coady on the line following Jose Sa’s second-half mistake.
Chelsea’s 3-2 defeat at West Ham gave the Reds a path to the summit and they went top thanks to Origi’s late show. Resilient Wolves were left with nothing despite another battling display and sit eighth.
Liverpool had blown away the majority of their rivals this season, having scored four in each of their last three Premier League games before arriving at Molineux.
They had, simply, been too good but found Wolves at their resolute best until the death.
Only Chelsea and Manchester City have conceded fewer goals than Bruno Lage’s side prior to the game and there was strong resistance to Liverpool’s threat.
The visitors failed to find any early rhythm, thanks largely to the hosts’ determination. Aside from Leander Dendoncker slicing a clearance from Jota’s header the Reds made few first-half inroads.
Three straight clean sheets had given Wolves’ defence renewed confidence and they continued to keep it tight as Liverpool slowly began to turn the screw.
Trent Alexander-Arnold volleyed over after 28 minutes and then turned provider for Jota, who headed his far post cross wide.
Liverpool had control but only managed to open their hosts up once and, even then, Romain Saiss’s presence ensured Mohamed Salah just failed to make contact with Andrew Robertson’s low centre.
Yet, they were still searching for a goal. Having scored in every Premier League game since a 1-0 defeat to Fulham in March more was expected after the break.
Salah’s knockdown caused some penalty box pinball which saw Thiago Alcantara twice denied but Jürgen Klopp’s men lacked the fluidity and precision to break Wolves down.
They needed a mistake from Sa to create their best opening on the hour and even then Jota missed it.
The goalkeeper raced out to the left after Jordan Henderson’s searching pass for Jota but collided with Saiss to give the forward a clear run to goal.
He advanced but from just six yards belted the ball at the covering Coady on the line.
Alexander-Arnold drove over as Liverpool’s frustrations grew and Sa denied Sadio Mane late on.
But Origi had the final say deep into added time when he collected Salah’s pass, turned and fired in from four yards.
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