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Israeli Publicist: How Could Jewish State Strike Deal With Those Who Don’t Want it to Exist?

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The rocket attacks by Hamas started on 10 May targeting areas near Jerusalem, Ashkelon, and Tel Aviv. The major escalation was preceded by clashes between Israeli forces and Palestinian Arabs at Jerusalem’s Al-Aqsa mosque compound, which left at least 300 Palestinians and several dozen Israeli police officers injured.

The clashes in Jerusalem served as the trigger point while the major reason behind Hamas’ attacks against the Jewish state is that the organisation does not recognise Israel’s right to exist, according to Jerusalem-based Israeli publicist and political commentator Avigdor Eskin.

Two Hamas Docs Say Israel Has No Right to Exist

“The reason for the conflict is their raison d’etre – the destruction of Israel and killing of the Jewish people,” the commentator argues, citing the 1988 Covenant of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas). 

Hamas was founded in 1987 as a wing of the Muslim Brotherhood*, an international Sunni Islamist group. The 1988 charter explicitly called for the destruction of Israel and “jihad” against Jews as well as the creation of an Islamic state in Palestine.

Article 13 of the 1988 document stipulated that “there is no solution for the Palestinian question except through Jihad.” “Initiatives, proposals, and international conferences are all a waste of time and vain endeavours,” the covenant underscored. 

Since then, a number of countries have designated either Hamas or its military wing, the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades, as a terrorist organisation, condemning its calls for violence against Jews as “racism.”


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REUTERS / Mohammed Salem

A picture taken with a drone shows Hamas supporters taking part in a protest against Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas’ decision to postpone planned parliamentary elections, in the northern Gaza Strip on April 30, 2021.

In 2017, Hamas attempted to rebrand itself as an Islamic national liberation movement rather than a Muslim Brotherhood offshoot in a bid to break the movement out of its international isolation. The new 2017 programme stated that “Hamas does not wage a struggle against the Jews because they are Jewish but wages a struggle against the Zionists who occupy Palestine.”

Despite dropping the explicit language of the original covenant, the document retained:

·         the goal of “liberating” Palestine – the geographical area covering the State of Israel, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip;

·         non-recognition of Israel;

·         justification of the struggle against Israelis by all means possible, arguing that “resisting the occupation with all means and methods is a legitimate right guaranteed by divine laws and by international norms and laws.”

“The establishment of ‘Israel’ is entirely illegal,” claimed the document, rejecting all the agreements, initiatives, settlement projects, and international resolutions “that are aimed at undermining the Palestinian cause.”

While the document calls for “liberation” of Palestine in its entirety, Article 20 remarks that Hamas “considers” the establishment of “a fully sovereign and independent Palestinian state, with Jerusalem as its capital along the lines of the 4th of June 1967.” This comes in an apparent contradiction with the spirit of the programme as the 1967 lines leave part of Palestine’s territory out of Hamas’ claim.

Still, the document does not explicitly supplant the previous charter of the founding fathers. Presenting the new political programme in 2017 Hamas chief Ismail Haniyeh stated publicly that it would undermine neither the organisation’s principles nor its strategy. 


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AFP 2021 / HATEM MOUSSA

Masked Palestinian Hamas militants display their weapons during a parade in Gaza City. File photo.

Hamas, Suicide Bombing & Qassam Rockets

Since its inception Hamas has engaged in attacks against Israel. Between 1993 and 2000, Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) carried out more than 30 suicide bombings, while the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) negotiated peace with Israel within the framework of the Oslo format.

During the Second Intifada (2000-05) which claimed the lives of 1,000 Israelis and 3,000 Palestinian Arabs, various Palestinian groups conducted 25,000 assaults against the Jewish state, including 151 suicide attacks, according to the Israel Securities Authority (ISA). Hamas and PIJ were responsible for 65 percent of suicide bombings, which claimed the lives of 515 Israelis.

In addition to this, Hamas’ military wing, the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades, started firing self-made Qassam rockets, largely targeting Israeli civilian areas, since the early 2000s. Indiscriminate attacks by Hamas against Israeli civilians have been repeatedly condemned by international human rights organisations.

Israel’s decision to dismantle Jewish settlements in the Gaza Strip and completely withdraw from the region in 2005 did not end the violence, says Avigdor Eskin. According to the observer, since then Hamas has only improved its military capabilities and stepped up strikes against Israel. 

In the subsequent years, the Islamist militant group and the Israeli Defence Forces have repeatedly engaged in armed conflicts, with the latest military standoffs among the fiercest.

While some media routinely pins the whole blame on Israel for the civilian casualties, it remains overlooked that Hamas on many occasions uses Palestinian civilians as human shields, argues Eskin.

“Hamas fires the deadly missiles towards Israeli towns and villages targeting almost solely civilian targets,” says the Israeli commentator. “Also, Hamas fires from the heavy populated areas and this is another crime against humanity. When Israel hits the very sources of fire – civilians suffer sometimes. If these facts are ignored, the whole picture would be distorted.”

Eskin notes that it also remains underreported that “when Israel strikes back at Hamas, Palestinian civilians in the area are getting calls from the Israeli side with a warning to leave the area in order to save their lives.”


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REUTERS / AMIR COHEN

Streaks of light are seen as rockets are launched from the Gaza Strip towards central Israel as seen from Ashkelon, Israel May 16, 2021

What’s Behind the Timing of the Clashes?

Apart from fighting with Israel, Hamas has also clashed with other Palestinian political and militant movements, such as the Fatah Party – formerly the Palestinian National Liberation Movement. The Fatah-Hamas conflict also referred to as the Palestinian Civil War erupted in 2007 and resulted in the split of the Palestinian Authority.

Following the victory of Hamas’ Change and Reform Party in elections for the Palestine Legislative Council (PLC) in 2006, Fatah and Hamas engaged in a series of disputes and sporadic over power-sharing. After a military standoff between 10 and 15 June 2007, Hamas ousted its rival from the Gaza Strip.

Since that time the PLC joint legislative activities have been frozen. The new parliamentary and presidential polls as well as the Palestinian national council elections were scheduled to be held this year for the first time since 2006.

Some observers wonder as to what prompted Hamas, which is seeking to win in the 2021 vote, to engage in a direct conflict with the Jewish state. A number of American conservative politicians and pundits allege that Donald Trump’s defeat could have “emboldened” the militant group.

​Trump conducted a series of policies in support of Israel including the recognition of Jerusalem, Golan Heights, and the West Bank as Jewish territories. For its part, the Biden administration and the Democratic Party are leaning towards a two-state solution and are expected to recalibrate some of Trump’s Israel policies.

​”Hamas is hoping the Biden administration will pressure Israel to stop the military operation. It remains to be seen if their hopes will come true,” presumes the Israeli commentator.

Currently, Israel’s primary aim is to destroy Hamas’ military infrastructure in order to prevent their attacks for the coming few years, Eskin says. It’s likely that the Israeli operation will stop in a week or two. However, it might lead to yet another temporary cease-fire which would not solve the problem, he argues. The Israeli commentator believes that the disarmament of Hamas’ military wing as well other jihadi militants in Gaza would have improved the odds of resolving the longstanding Israeli-Palestinian conflict and paved the way to peace in the region.

*The Muslim Brotherhood is a terrorist organisation banned in Russia and many other countries.



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Teenager saves baby from shipwreck during Mediterranean crossing | Global development

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The actions of a teenager from Togo have been lauded after video footage was published of him supporting a baby he saved from a shipwreck in the Mediterranean Sea last week in which at least 30 people died.

The 17-year-old, whose identity has not been disclosed, swam to save the child, whom he was holding above water when a rescue team arrived, in footage published by the French media group Brut.

“I am a good swimmer and I went to help people,” the teenager said, according to Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), whose Geo Barents rescue ship arrived at the site of the shipwreck.

A teenager holds a baby above water after a shipwreck in the Mediterranean Sea
The identity of the 17-year-old, who was keeping the baby out of the sea as he clung to the wreckage, has not been disclosed. Photograph: Michael Bunel/Le Pictorium Agency/Zuma/Rex

Michael Bunel, a French photojournalist who was onboard the rescue ship, told Brut that when they arrived they could hear the teenager shouting: “There’s a baby. There’s a baby.”

The crew threw the teenager a flotation device to pull him and another survivor in, and gave urgent treatment to the four-month-old baby, who at first was not breathing. The baby and her mother were evacuated to Malta, according to MSF.

The rubber dinghy was detected only after nine days at sea, said Safa Mselhi, a spokesperson for the UN’s International Organization for Migration. A pregnant woman who could not be resuscitated died onboard the rescue ship.

The Geo Barents rescued 71 people from the shipwreck, some of them with fuel burns, caused when skin comes into contact with petrol that has mixed with seawater.

The survivors on the Geo Barents had to wait almost five days to get to land, only being allowed to disembark at the Italian town of Taranto on Saturday. The ship had been carrying the body of the pregnant woman during this time.

Juan Matías Gil, MSF’s search and rescue representative, said: “This traumatic event is a deadly consequence of the growing inaction and disengagement of European and other border states, including Italy and Malta, in the Mediterranean Sea.

“Tragedies at sea continue to cost thousands of lives, and these people are being lost on Europe’s doorstep, with absolute silence and indifference from EU states.”

Sea rescue charities have repeatedly accused the European Union of failing to save refugees trying to cross the Mediterranean by requesting that Libya’s so-called coastguard intercept any boats attempting the crossing, despite allegations of abuse in Libya’s militia-run detention centres.

According to MSF, at least 8,500 people died or went missing, and 95,000 were returned to Libya, in attempting crossings of the Mediterranean between 2017 and 2021.

On Wednesday morning 306 people disembarked in Sicily from SOS Méditerranée’s rescue ship Ocean Viking. Some of the survivors had been onboard for 12 days. The ship carried out eight rescues in less than two weeks – the most recent, on Monday, of 15 people who had been adrift for two days.



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Environment: Colombia and the new Latin American left | Opinion

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After the victory of president-elect Gustavo Petro and vice-president-elect Francia Márquez in Colombia, many have concluded that we are entering a new leftist wave in Latin America. But simply announcing the rise of a new left is more confusing than it is illuminating. New in what sense? In comparison to what? What distinguishes it from others? Who are its members? Without answers to these questions, Latin America’s political moment cannot be understood, and one risks stating the obvious (that the left is new because it is recent) or randomly grouping together very different movements and governments.

What is new about the new left?” is a question that surfaces from time to time. The last “new left” (which, of course, it is no longer) was the pink wave at the beginning of the century. As I wrote at the time in a book entitled, predictably, The New Latin American Left, it was the wave led by Lula’s Brazil and swelled by other governments that would follow very different paths, from the progressive democracy of Tabaré Vásquez and Pepe Mujica in Uruguay to the authoritarian disaster of Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela, as well as governments as diverse as those of the Kirchners in Argentina, Evo Morales in Bolivia, and Rafael Correa in Ecuador.

I think that what is new and distinctive of the progressivism that won this year in Colombia and Chile is precisely what all those left-wing governments lacked: an environmental agenda and economic policies that understand that fossil fuels and extractive industries are the past. And that there is no future, neither for the left nor for anyone else, on an uninhabitable planet. Despite the profound differences among the leftist governments of the last two decades, all of them shared with right-wing governments the enthusiastic promotion of extractive industries, from oil and coal to mining and agribusiness.

In Brazil, Lula and Dilma Rousseff ended up fulfilling the military dictatorship’s dreams of opening up the Amazon to monumental hydroelectric dams like Belo Monte, to feed energy to mining projects throughout the region. In Bolivia, former vice-president Alvaro García Linera went so far as to publish a defense of extractivism in the Amazon. Rafael Correa was even more explicit: he referred to Indigenous peoples and environmentalists who opposed his policies of aggressive expansion of oil and mining in Ecuador as the “infantile left.” The aberrant case of Venezuela belongs to a different category: “21st century socialism” not only maintained oil dependence, but used it to finance what ended up being a “dictatorship of the 21st century,” as Provea, the well-known Venezuelan NGO, has called it.

The extractivism of the left was due, in part, to reasons of convenience. The pink wave overlapped with a period of record prices for commodities. The resulting hard currency financed exemplary social policies in several countries, such as the Zero Hunger and Bolsa Familia programs in Brazil. In part, however, it was due to sheer conviction. Even today, important sectors of the left, such as the López Obrador government in Mexico, tend to see oil and mining exploitation as indisputable pillars of national development and sovereignty—and environmentalism as a naïve movement, at best, or as an instrument of the rich countries, at worst.

But much has changed in the last twenty years. Today we are living the reality of climate change and know that we have less than a decade left for governments to take urgent action to avoid the most catastrophic scenarios of global warming and the irreversible destruction of vital ecosystems such as the Amazon. We understand that human health and the health of the planet depend on national policies and international agreements to protect biodiversity in at least 30% of the Earth by 2030. Finally, we know that Latin America would suffer disproportionately from the effects of environmental collapse, such as forced migrations, economic and food crises, and social conflicts.

If it is to deserve the label “new,” the left in power would have to rise to this new planetary moment. And follow the momentum of the progressive movements that embody it and that were essential to the electoral outcome in Colombia, as shown by the iconic figure of vice-president-elect Francia Márquez: the Black and Indigenous movements, the urban environmentalism of young people, ecofeminism, the small farmers’ movements.

At a time when the global right seems to bet on the destruction of the planet (Bolsonaro, Modi, Putin, etc.), the left should distinguish itself not only by its social agenda but also by its environmental agenda. Abandoning extractivism and moving towards clean economies is not irresponsible, as critics suggest, but indispensable. This seems to be the view of the environmental progressivism that is emerging in Colombia and Chile. Petro and Márquez’s proposals contemplate a gradual and fair transition to reduce the historic dependence on oil and coal, among other measures. Chilean President Gabriel Boric’s government promised a “just socio-ecological transition” and has just shut down the Ventanas copper smelter, an emblem of mining pollution.

Thus, the first leftist government in Colombia may have regional and global repercussions. An initial sign of this turn was the first conversation between Petro and President Biden, which included a possible alliance on climate change and Amazon conservation. If accompanied by a shift to the left in Brazil (where it remains to be seen whether a possible Lula government would abandon the extractivist tradition) and adequate funding from wealthy countries that have polluted the most, the proposal of Latin American environmental progressivism could contribute not only to the consolidation of a new left, but also to the preservation of life on the planet.

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More than 5,000 people are missing in Balochistan. I want my father back | Sammi Deen Baloch

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I started protesting after my father, Dr Deen Mohammed Baloch, was abducted from his hospital in Khuzdar, Balochistan, on 28 June 2009. I became an activist, raising my voice against the heinous crime of enforced disappearances: more than 5,000 people are missing in Balochistan.

In the 13 years since my father was taken, I have spent most of my time on roads, in front of journalists’ press clubs across Pakistan – with a photograph in my hand, asking a simple question: “Where is my father? What is his crime?”

Enforced disappearances in my home province is a decades-old issue, from when the Balochistan nationalist movement began in the early 2000s.

In 2014, I, along with other relatives of missing people, marched 2,000km (1,200 miles) over 116 days from Quetta to the capital, Islamabad. As a 15-year-old, with my swollen feet, I thought going to the capital would make those in power have some mercy. I was wrong.

My mother does not know whether she is a widow or still married. We deserve to know the truth – whether my father is alive or dead.

If my father is alive, he should be released or brought to a court of law. If he has been killed, we should be given proof.

I have spent 13 years in this struggle to know the truth but I have never been as humiliated, harassed, beaten and verbally abused as I was at our recent peaceful protest in Karachi.

One police man grasped my hand forcefully and another held me by the neck. I felt as if my bones were going to be fractured.

My sister, Mehlab Baloch, was slapped three times. Bakhtawar, a fellow activist who was filming, had her phone snatched by the police. She was dragged along the road. This was all caught on camera and the video widely shared.

Police mocked us after throwing us in their van. We were warned not to protest or else they would “drag and beat us” more.

The police told me: “You think you are a leader and are at the forefront. We will teach you a lesson.”

Our headscarves were removed. The officers threatened us by saying to each other: “Once their shalwars [trousers] are removed, then they will stop protesting.”

Protesters march holding placards. One says: ‘Murder of Karima Baloch is the continuation of Baloch genocide’
A protest at the murder of Karima Baloch, a leading Pakistani human rights activist living in exile in Canada who was found dead in 2020. Photograph: Rahat Dar/EPA

They called us disgraced women, accusing us of protesting to win fame and to appear in the media.

We were released at about 2am.

The state and its security agencies have responded to the separatist movement with a “kill and dump” policy and are forcefully disappearing students, lawyers, doctors, political activists and their sympathisers.

Last year, I, along with other representatives of missing persons’ families, met the former prime minister Imran Khan, who was a critical voice on the issue before coming to power. Khan now seems to be a toothless tiger.

His human rights minister, Shireen Mazari, introduced a bill against enforced disappearances. The irony was that the bill itself went missing.

Now, after losing power, Khan’s party is once again denouncing enforced disappearances.

In the same way, Maryam Nawaz, [vice-president of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, then the main opposition party], visited us last year and criticised Imran Khan for his false promises. She assured us that action would be taken if her party came to power.

Nawaz’s uncle, Shehbaz Nawaz, is prime minister now but they seem helpless before the security agencies.

Women’s organisations in Pakistan do not raise their voices for Baloch women and the violence against us. This is saddening.

We come from respectable families and we are not happy to be demonstrating on the streets. Our men have disappeared – that’s why Baloch women, from a conservative province, are coming out of their homes to protest.

I would rather focus on my career like other young women. But how can one if your father, husband or brother is missing?

In April, there was a female suicide bomber, Shari Baloch. Since then the state has cracked down against activists, students and women, saying that we are all terrorists.

We have nothing to do with such violent activities. We don’t support violence.

I am not demanding anything unlawful – enforced disappearance is unlawful. I just want my father back.

Am I asking for something illegal? The state may portray us as terrorists after Shari’s attack but we are not. We are peaceful protesters. We suffer every moment of every day.

Sammi Deen Baloch is general secretary of the Voice for Baloch Missing Persons (VBMP), a group that formed alongside the separatist movement in Pakistan

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