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From YouTube to TikTok: The electoral weapons that Javier Milei has deployed in Argentina | International

Sergio Massa, Patricia Bullrich y Javier Milei
From left to right, Sergio Massa, Patricia Bullrich and Javier Milei.EFE / Getty

The far-right Javier Milei, 52, has become the favored candidate to win the October 22 presidential elections in Argentina… even though he has barely toured the country.

Milei —an economist and TV panellist by profession— visited 13 of the 24 provinces during the primaries, yet still won in more than half of the provinces he didn’t visit. Among them, the case of Salta was especially surprising. In the northern Andean province – where he achieved his best result – 49.38% of the voters voted for him in the mid-August primaries. Milei has been called the “candidate of television studios,” because he rose from being a talk show host to a member of Congress in less than five years. But you could also call him the YouTube and TikTok candidate, because, if social media is the new public square, Javier Milei is shouting the loudest.

No other candidate for the presidency has managed to dominate the discourse of social media like the far-right economist does – especially with so little effort and even fewer staffers.

Patricia Bullrich —the candidate of the traditional right— remains the most popular on Twitter. Sergio Massa —the current Minister of Economy and the presidential candidate for the left-wing Peronist alliance— is Facebook’s favorite. But Milei dominates Instagram and TikTok, the preferred spaces of voters under the age of 29, who make up a third of the electorate. He’s also the most popular candidate on YouTube… although not because of the content put out by his official channels.

“Around the world, the parties that are linked to the right have a special place in social media. In Argentina, this is the case of La Libertad Avanza (Liberty Advances, a far-right coalition) and its leader, Javier Milei,” explains Ana Slimovich, a professor at the University of Buenos Aires. For the researcher, this is because these political forces “construct discourses with simple language, which isn’t technical… it appeals to emotions, both positive and negative ones.” Milei began his campaign by comparing himself to a lion who came “to awaken other lions, not to guide the sheep.” Today, he walks around Buenos Aires with a chainsaw —a symbol of the cuts to the public sector that he intends to implement should he take office.

Milei, Slimovich notes, has grown strong because of the sporadic organization that his followers have built, including those beyond the party’s structure. Accounts like @elPelucaMilei or @MileiPresidente have almost a million followers and act as the most important spokespeople for the libertarian. They have almost four times more followers than Milei’s official channel, getting millions of views from videos that they cut, edit and publish. The most popular ones are the clips of television interviews with titles celebrating how Milei “destroyed” or “annihilated” journalists or political opponents in live debates.

“Even if the candidate isn’t present, they’re reproducing his speech,” Slimovich says. “This explains the [high number of votes] he gets in places where he’s not physically present. His followers on social media are always present, resharing his speeches. And, of course, the mass media also disseminates his content.” The same thing happens on TikTok, Instagram or Twitter, where online libertarian militants churn out viral memes that Milei often shares.

Agustín Romo – director of digital communications and a congressional candidate for La Libertad Avanza – states that only about 15 people work for pay in the libertarian campaign, but that “90% of the content is produced ad honorem.” For Romo, Milei’s victory in places he has never visited “sets the tone for an epochal change in the way of doing politics.”

Milei jumped into politics from the world of TV. With this background, he then imposed his anti-establishment fury on the political debate and amplified it via social media. In the last year, the country began to talk about the dollarization of the economy or the sale of organs —subjects that Milei brought to the table. “We use social media to install our own narrative and our agenda. If we put out a song in the morning, at night, everyone is talking about it,” Romo laughs.

The digital strategist believes that his candidate’s success in getting his agenda out there has two ingredients. On the one hand, Milei projects a message that connects with the electorate. This discourse among candidates —who present themselves as “outsiders” who aren’t really part of the political system— was successful for Jair Bolsonaro in 2018. Milei often says that the “decadence” of the country is the product of a “political caste (or class)” that prioritizes its interests “at the expense of the people.” On the other hand, the consultant continues, the “libertarian movement” has been brewing for “10 years,” but “it had no political representation” until Javier Milei arrived on the scene.

The leading presidential candidate is also advised by Fernando Cerimedo —a major figure in digital communications among the Latin American extreme-right. A report published by the Latin American Center for Journalistic Investigation (CLIP) revealed that the consultant has spread “messages based on lies in Brazil, Argentina and Chile.” Cerimedo was one of the great agitators behind the accusation —presented without evidence— that Lula da Silva won the recent presidential elections in Brazil only because of electoral fraud. Some of this influence has already been seen in Milei’s campaign. On August 13 —despite being the candidate with the most votes in the primaries— Milei insisted that votes had been stolen from him.

Among the left-wing Peronist coalition, they admit that they’ve started this campaign with a disadvantage. Their candidate was announced as a surprise: Minister of Finance Sergio Massa —who has been in politics since 1999— was proclaimed “as a unity candidate” on June 23. He opened his TikTok account days later. “This happened to us when [Massa] contested the presidency in 2015 —Mauricio Macri’s campaign (which ultimately won) had a better-developed social media campaign. We balanced it out, but we were far behind. We prioritize other forms, other types of campaigning,” a member of the campaign tells EL PAÍS.

Sergio Massa’s advisors say that they still see a scenario of the vote being divided into thirds, but that “the most stark polarization is with Milei.” Massa’s social media campaign is now being supported by Lula da Silva’s advisors, who have joined the Spanish consultant Antoni Gutiérrez Rubí. “They came to share their experiences with us about the two elections that they had to fight against Bolsonaro: the one that Fernando Haddad lost [in 2018] and the one that Lula won [in 2022]. They’re working with us on the possibility of reaching the runoff [election] in November.”

In Massa’s race to attract young voters, the latest to join the campaign on TikTok has been the current vice president (and former president from 2007 until 2015), Cristina Kirchner. The main representative of the Peronist movement opened her account this past Monday and has already uploaded dozens of videos. Ironically, less than five months ago, she urged young people to not spend more than “20 minutes a day on TikTok.”

Massa’s left wing coalition —made up of traditional parties that are accustomed to large street events and rallies— is beginning to make its presence more known online. The current president, Alberto Fernández —who decided against seeking re-election— recently answered questions with his dog on Instagram. And Massa has begun to announce his economic proposals via short videos tailored to social media. His younger supporters and party members were the ones who encouraged him.

After Milei’s victory in the primaries, a group of young Peronists began to reflect on their poor communications strategy and created a TikTok account —@Indisciplinadxs— to create a “new space” in the campaign. “Social media is a disputed territory where we’re not fighting. And, if we’re fighting, we’re doing so incorrectly,” lament two members of @Indisciplinadxs. A recent video —in which they showed how voters are misinformed on a certain topic— went viral and reached 166,000 people. “The battle on social media shouldn’t be considered lost,” they insist. “The field is wide-open — there are ways to take advantage of it.”

Patricia Bullrich —the candidate for the traditional center-right Together for Change coalition— is also staking out her place in the presidential race. She won her party primaries against the current mayor of Buenos Aires, Horacio Rodríguez Larreta. Bullrich deployed a “tough-on-crime” rhetoric, while Larreta, a moderate, prioritized dialogue and centrist policies. While Bullrich ultimately emerged triumphant, the question remains whether she can retain the votes of her formal rival, while trying to take on Massa and Milei, who have mostly focused their attacks on each other.

Her social media consultants are taking a careful look at her opposition. “I’m not looking at everything that Massa put out online as much, because what Milei does is more striking,” explains Yasmin Hassan, Bullrich’s principal advisor. The most positive element that Hassan sees in her party is similar to what Milei has going for him: an organic bloc of adherents who, of their own free will, circulate information for the campaign. They call the movement “Bullrichmania” —it consists of groups of self-convened online warriors, who spread information via WhatsApp groups.

Bullrich —who served as security minister under President Mauricio Macri (2015-2019)— has focused on pointing out the corruption that has taken place in the Kirchnerist governments: from 2003 until 2007, when Néstor Kirchner governed, from 2007 until 2015, when his wife, Cristina, governed, as well as the present administration, where she serves as vice president.

The bulk of her interactions on social media are with voters who similarly point out the corruption or bad policies of the ruling party.

Last week, a criminal court reopened two corruption cases against the former president and current VP. Immediately, Bullrich released her latest campaign video: in one minute, she revealed the model of a new maximum security prison for criminals that, she promised, will have a wing that is named after Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. The candidate got what she was looking for: on Saturday, while Kirchner was speaking at her first public appearance in months, the video was already trending.

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Artificial Grass Can Lead To Increased Flooding Risk, Major Insurer Warns

Artificial Grass And Increased Flooding Risk

Homeowners who’ve opted for artificial turf are cautioned about its risks, such as its connection to flooding and elevated temperatures.

A survey conducted by insurer Aviva reveals that one in five homeowners have either replaced or intend to replace their natural lawns with artificial grass.

Nevertheless, numerous homeowners remain unaware of the potential hazards linked to artificial turf.

Many homeowners are unaware of the dangers associated with artificial grass, according to a new survey

Many homeowners are unaware of the dangers associated with artificial grass, according to a new survey

While the Aviva survey revealed that 32 per cent believe artificial grass can increase the risk of flooding, almost half believe it has no impact.

And a further 9% of homeowners think it can actually help to reduce the risk.

Jason Storah, of Aviva, said: ‘At this time of year, many of us are thinking about making changes to our homes and outside spaces.

‘While it can be tempting to replace a garden with low maintenance artificial grass, these changes can make it more difficult for water to be absorbed.

‘At times of heavy rain in urban areas, drains can rapidly become overwhelmed if the water cannot be absorbed, causing flooding outside and in the home.

‘As our climate changes, periods of extreme weather are likely to increase, including heavy downpours and higher temperatures.

‘Our flood mapping technology shows that surface water flooding is on the increase and it can be harder to predict, so it’s important to be prepared.’

Climate-ready gardens

Alternative ground covering that can have a positive impact on the climate include planning a wildflower meadow.

This is something that 11 per cent of homeowners say that have already done and 13 per cent plan to do in the future.

Mr Storah explained: ‘Even the smallest of planted or permeable spaces can help make a difference.

While it can be tempting to replace a garden with low maintenance artificial grass, these changes can make it more difficult for water to be absorbed.

‘Climate-ready gardens can play an important role in helping to mitigate the impact of heavy rain and reduce the chance of a flood from happening at home.

‘Plants, lawns and flowers can not only help to absorb excess water, they can also bring other climate benefits, including improving biodiversity.

‘Equally, plants in the right location can help to absorb heat during heatwaves or droughts. But it’s important to get ready for the future by locating the right plants in the right places.

He added: ‘Some shrubs and trees can have extensive root systems which may cause some soil types to shrink in periods of hot weather.

‘The materials we use in an outside space can impact the likelihood of our homes being flooded or affected by other climate events.

‘We’d urge residents to ensure their homes, gardens and driveways are climate-ready and resilient to the impacts of extreme weather.’

The temperature of artificial grass can reach levels that could pose a risk to young children and pets

The temperature of artificial grass can reach levels that could pose a risk to young children and pets

It comes off the back of other warnings about artificial grass, including how its temperature can soar during the summer.

The temperature of artificial grass can reach levels that could pose a risk to young children and pets, according to gardening experts Rated People.

Nat White, of Rated People, explained: ‘While artificial lawns are a convenient solution for many, they could become dangerous when temperatures rise as the material can get incredibly hot in the sun.

‘As the UK is experiencing increasingly high temperatures in summertime, it is crucial for homeowners with small children and pets to regularly assess the safety of their artificial grass.

Artificial turf lacks the natural cooling effect of real grass, and it can rapidly accumulate heat due to its polyethylene composition, a type of plastic known for its insulation properties

‘Artificial turf lacks the natural cooling effect of real grass, and it can rapidly accumulate heat due to its polyethylene composition, a type of plastic known for its insulation properties.

‘As a result of absorbing and maintaining heat so effectively, the artificial lawn fibres can become very hot, posing a burn risk to children and pets during the summer months.’

It follows a separate survey carried out last summer that suggested 24% of people would like to see a full ban on fake grass.

The survey by MyBuilder.com also found that a third of people would like measures to be put in place to limit the use of such materials, to help protect the environment.

Expert landscaper James Lewis, who has worked with MyBuilder.com, explains that it is important to do your research when it comes to buying artificial grass.

‘While it’s not for everyone, and there are some obvious concerns for its ‘green’ credentials, there are still benefits to having an artificial lawn.

‘If you are thinking about it, we’d advise you to carefully weigh up the pros and cons before investing in it.’

The pros and cons of artificial grass

Some of the advantages and disadvantages of artificial grass have been identified by MyBuilder.com:

Pros

1. Looks aesthetically pleasing all year round

No brown spots, bald patches, or muddy puddles. There’s no denying that a properly installed artificial lawn can look nice and maintains its appearance, whatever the weather.

2. No need for watering

No live grass means no need for watering in the summer. This saves you time, as well as money off your monthly water bill. It is also useful when the inevitable hosepipe ban comes into play.

3. Low maintenance

No mowing, no watering, no reseeding – there’s no doubt that an artificial lawn is easier to look after than a natural one.

4. Easy to clean

We all know the risk of unseen pet poo and urine on our lawns, but with an artificial lawn you can easily hose it down to keep it sparkly clean.

Cons

1. Cost to buy and install

Although once in place it may save you money, buying and installing your artificial lawn is likely to be a several thousand pound cost. The average cost for installation in an average size garden is between £1,200 to £2,500.

2. Impact on natural habitat

Removing natural grass undeniably has a negative effect on the environment, with the loss of habitat for bugs and wildlife.

3. Drainage implications

Although this varies depending on product and installation, an artificial lawn does not drain as well as a real one. This can cause issues in areas where flooding is a problem, such as in new build estates built on previous flood plains, or in areas close to bodies of water.

4. Can get too hot

Artificial lawns can get too hot for little feet and paws, causing blistering and burns. Vets often warn owners that artificial grass can be perilous for pets, and advise caution when allowing pets onto it.


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Spain throws away 400,000 tons of lemons: ‘Production has got out of hand’

According to the latest estimates provided by the Spanish agricultural union COAG, in the 2023-2024 season, around 400,000 tons of lemons cannot be sold and will go to waste — about 27% of the planned production. Losses from this massive waste are estimated at €120 million ($129 million). Spanish farmers have blamed the problem on various factors: lemons entering the European Union from Turkey, Egypt, Argentina, and South Africa; investment funds altering the market; supermarkets that only want aesthetically perfect fruit; the rise in pests; climatic adversities… However, some in the sector openly recognize that the main reason for the disaster is the disproportionate rise in the number of hectares cultivating lemons on Spain’s Mediterranean coast.

One of these critics is the World Citrus Organization (WCO), which cites the excessive rise of lemon crops in Spain as the main cause for the disaster. The WCO does not understand why the entry of foreign lemons is criticized when Spanish lemons are found across Europe. “Spain is the leader in the market, it is the one that controls the situation, it is always easy to blame someone else, but we must accept that we are in markets in which there must be a minimum level of competition,” WCO Secretary General Philippe Binard tells EL PAÍS by phone. “Let’s look at what happened with the tractor demonstrations in Europe, our headquarters are in Brussels, the Belgians complained about the Dutch, the French about the Spanish, the Spanish about the Moroccans….”

The Interprofessional Association of Lemon and Grapefruit (Ailimpo) — which represents the producers, cooperatives, exporters and the processing industry of the lemon sector in Spain — has not only distanced itself from the criticism of foreign lemons, it has also admitted that lemon cultivation needs to be reduced in Spain to rebalance supply and demand. Ailimpo proposes a different path to what was seen in some of the tractor protests: apart from tax reductions, improvements in agricultural insurance and promoting increased consumption, it is also committed to a more environmentally friendly model — it supports regenerative agriculture or the management of lemon farms as forests as a means of generating carbon and biodiversity credits.

For José Antonio García, director of Ailimpo, there is no doubt where the problem lies: “Production has got out of hand,” he says. “The data speak very clearly. The cultivation area has gone from 36,000 hectares eight years ago to nearly 53,000 hectares today.” He explains that lemon farmers decided to plant more trees due to the “very striking returns” on the crop. This move prompted other investors to get involved. “In the end, it is an exercise in simple mathematics. If the market is able to absorb 1.1 million tons of lemons, and the estimated production for this season is 1.5 million, there are 400,000 tons that are going to stay in the fields.”

agricultores Málaga Limón
Farmers throw lemons at a protest in Malaga last March.Daniel Pérez (EFE)

Pedro Gomáriz, head of citrus at COAG, acknowledges the excess production in the country, but says it is one of many factors. “The exaggerated amount of lemon from third countries that is entering the European Union is one of the big factors, it is unfair competition, because they are also entering with [phytosanitary] products that are not allowed here, and on top of that they are entering with pests that are not hitting us,” says the farmer, whose arguments have so far not been proven. “They are coming from Turkey, South Africa, Egypt, Argentina. They are flooding the European market with lemons that compete with ours, but without having to meet the same standards as us, treated with products that we do not have here, with much cheaper labor and often subsidized by the state,” insists Gomáriz.

While these complaints are common, the data on lemon consumption in the EU analyzed by Ailimpo, between October 2023 and March 2024, shows a quite different situation. In those six months, the total demand for these citrus fruits in the EU (excluding domestic consumption in Italy and Spain) was 403,000 tons, of which 302,000 came from Spanish fields, while the rest — 87,000 tons — came from Turkey. In other words, three out of every four lemons consumed in EU countries in this period were grown in Spain. According to Ailimpo, these figures are also similar to what was recorded in previous years, meaning they are unlikely to have played a significant role in the disaster of the current lemon season, which runs from September to June.

Gomáriz also blames the disaster on supermarkets’ “oligopolistic” practices, decisions by investment groups, and weather events, while downplaying the importance of the spike in lemon cultivation. “The life of a lemon tree is like a Gauss bell. Its harvest increases, at 15 to 20 years it reaches its maximum and from 20 onwards it begins to decrease. So, of course, there is a lot of new lemon destined for the replacement of plantations,” he says.

“This is the elephant in the room that no one wants to see,” says García, who notes that in the last eight years, seven million lemon tree seedlings have been sold in nurseries in the country. “These are really very typical dynamics of the agricultural sector. We have seen it in other products such as the persimmon, we are seeing it with the pistachio, with the almond tree, they are cycles where the farmer sees profitability in the crop and there is an explosion of cultivation.” García acknowledges that other factors are at play, but believes this is the biggest reason for the current disaster. “It is true that there are investment funds involved in the lemon sector, but they have not invested a single euro in new plantations,” he says.

For Ailimpo, what’s most important right now is to address the losses of this disastrous season. But the organization also believes that green measures are key to ensuring long-term economic profitability. “We have closely followed the development of regenerative agriculture in citrus in California, and we believe that the future really lies there,” says García. He explains that his organization is trying to design a system of green practices to improve CO₂ absorption, which will allow the sector to generate carbon credits. “It seems like science fiction, but it is already working in the United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand, where agricultural activity is also generating biodiversity credits. Because when we think about biodiversity, we think about lizards, birds, bees, but we always forget what biodiversity there is in the soil.”

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Resurgence of Nuclear Threat: Is a New Cold War Evident in Literature, TV Series, and Films?

Is a New Cold War Evident in Literature, TV Series, and Films?

The screen is filled by a scientist who, with eyes like light bulbs in all their electrical splendor, seems to question himself beyond time. He is Robert Oppenheimer, who 48 years after dying of throat cancer — he drank and smoked too much, doctors warned him — has provided the cultural reference point for months. Christopher Nolan, director and screenwriter of the movie Oppenheimer, which won seven Oscars, said in an interview that the American physicist was the most important man of the 20th century because through him, mankind gained the ability to blow up the entire planet.

The spectacular notoriety of his scientific vicissitudes, the political betrayals and the tangled web of Soviet espionage experienced by the New York researcher and his Manhattan Project team has surprised many. After all, it is a film for adults in a time of superhero franchises, a long, dark journey with no possible happy ending and which dissects a deadly serious matter.

One of the keys to its success is perhaps that it links fatally with the present day, when the war between Russia and Ukraine, the conflict in the Middle East, and the tensions between the United States and China over Taiwan bring back a certain air of the Cold War and its arms escalation. Vladimir Putin has for some time been threatening to unleash a nuclear conflict and just this month United Nations Secretary General António Guterres warned of rising geopolitical tensions, saying that humanity cannot survive “a sequel of Oppenheimer.”

Cillian Murphy Oppenheimer
Cillian Murphy (l) as Robert Oppenheimer (r), who is photographed at the New Mexico ranch where the atomic bomb was tested in September 1945. Photo: MELINDA SUE GORDON (AP)

These are shadowy echoes of the past being renewed in the present. “Yes, being very different times, I would say there is a certain revival of the Cold War. The idea of rearmament and the tension of balance, the fear of entering into a direct confrontation, reaching a level of brutal destruction,” reflects Mariano Aguirre, author of Guerra Fría 2.0 (Cold War 2.0). In his book, Aguirre makes note of the great differences between eras — nowadays the struggles between countries are between different types of capitalism, without a trace of socialism or communism and between a fragmentary multilateralism of blocs, more complex than the U.S. vs the USSR equation of yesteryear — but he underlines certain similarities between the period 1947-1991 and the present day. There are processes of escalation and rearmament, the indirect confrontation between superpowers with atomic capability, proxy wars (as in the case of Ukraine), brutal repression of civil liberties in Russia, and a certain air of cultural cancellation in the West if one questions, for example, the expansion of NATO’s area of influence.

Aguirre, an associate member of the London-based Chatham House think tank, also highlights similarities in the growing importance of the art of diplomacy, closed-door negotiations and contacts, hostage exchanges, or the influential role of certain media. Examples of this would be the exchange of the women’s NBA superstar Brittney Griner for a Russian arms dealer, the current situation of The Wall Street Journal reporter Evan Gershkovich, accused of espionage and imprisoned for a year in Russia, or the case of the United States leaking to the media that diplomatic sources had already warned Putin’s government about the possibility of attacks in the Russian capital before the massacre at the Crocus City Hall, northwest of Moscow.

Little Boy Bomb
A replica of ‘Little Boy,’ the nuclear bomb dropped on Hiroshima in August 1945. MPI (Getty Images)

You and the Atom Bomb

It was George Orwell who first spoke of the concept of the Cold War as a radical geopolitical shift, because of the possibility of mutual self-destruction brought about by the development of the atomic bomb. He wrote about the subject in an article published on October 19, 1945, in Tribune magazine. In his essay, You and the Atom Bomb, Orwell warns that living in the shadow of the nuclear threat “is a peace that is no peace,” but a new war landscape he called the Cold War, which now seems to be revived again.

This atmosphere is related in public reports, non-fiction books and novels. In 2023, the Brussels think tank Bruegel warned that we were heading toward a new Cold War between two large blocs led, respectively, by the United States, the hegemonic power, and China, the emerging one. For their part, researchers at the Royal United Services Institute detect that Russia is rekindling some of the methods of the 1970s and 1980s, involving clean agents on long-term espionage missions — so dear to Moscow since the Soviet era — as was the case with the theft of atomic secrets by Klaus Fuchs, a member of the Manhattan Project. And from Spain’s Elcano Royal Institute, analyst Jesús A. Núñez Villaverde warns that the latest moves NATO seems to be planning “take us back to times we mistakenly thought we had overcome, with the only exception being that, if previously we were talking about the European Union, now we are talking about Russia.”

John MacKenzie
Michael Caine (right) in John MacKenzie’s The Fourth Protocol.

Reality and fiction

That old icy air is also being revived in video games, television series and movies. The Call of Duty videogame franchise is enjoying success with Call of Duty; Black Ops Cold War, set in 1981, where two of the game’s characters are Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev, and the protagonist is an alleged Soviet spy trying to steal U.S. nuclear secrets. On the streaming platforms is the documentary series Turning Point: The Bomb and the Cold War (Netflix, 2024), which across nine episodes narrates how close the world came to a nuclear apocalypse in the 1960s. As for possible fictional apocalypses, Oppenheimer’s 2023 release was joined by Wes Anderson’s Asteroid City, which won the Palme d’Or at Cannes, and is set in the 1950s in the context of nuclear testing in the U.S. desert near the Mexican border.

“On August 6, 1945, in the blink of an eye, the world changed completely. That had a full impact on popular culture and on comics,” reflects cultural analyst Giovanni Pasco, who specializes in the sociopolitical reading of comics. He emphasizes that after 1945 in the United States, highly politicized superhero figures emerged, fully involved in the present war of the atomic bomb and its consequences on the planet: The Fantastic Four were a family exposed to cosmic rays in a rocket when they were racing to beat the communists in the space race; The Incredible Hulk was a scientist accidentally exposed to gamma rays during a test; Spiderman was a boy bitten by a radioactive spider and The Watchmen exemplifies a dystopian fiction that harkens back to the Cold War era, where the world is constantly on the brink of nuclear disaster. And it’s not just about the past or future, but the present: these are all superheroes that to this day are being transmuted into movies or series.

Perhaps the Cold War never quite died down. After the 246,000 civilians killed by the Little Boy and Fat Man bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945, after the decades-long psychological confrontation between the Soviet Union and the United States led the U.S. Civil Defense Service to broadcast radio and television spots on how to behave in case of a Soviet attack (with the voices and faces of Johnny Cash, Groucho Marx, and Boris Karloff), the fear of the bomb and its geopolitical consequences has resurfaced.

Barbara Moran, an American science writer and author of The Day We Lost the H-bomb (2009), about the nuclear accident in Palomares, Spain, believes that the cultural preoccupation with the bomb is changing over time. Before, in the movies, “maybe there was fear of radiation, mutations, and nuclear destruction,” she says, while now people seem to be more “concerned about human weakness, betrayal, and political consequences.”

Regarding the world’s current political leaders, it so happens that their ties to the Cold War era are very close. “For better or for worse, Joe Biden was trained in those times and knows very well the potential dangers of confrontation between nuclear powers, and Putin was molded as a spy in the final years of the Cold War, in the times of the decline and disappearance of the USSR,” Aguirre notes.

Against all odds, the intrigues between spies and the nuclear threat are once again topical. It is something that seems from another time, from another world. As the secret agent John Preston, played by Michael Caine in the movie The Fourth Protocol (1987) says to the different heads of the secret services, in the face of their conspiracies in the heat of atomic danger: “It’s about time they put you in a fucking museum.”

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